TodayPrice

Author: Val Kosi

  • China, Nigeria, and Hostage Aircraft

    China, Nigeria, and Hostage Aircraft

    Every story has two sides, but when a country’s reputation as  a sovereign and an investment destination comes under threat, it calls for immediate concern and action from its citizens and leaders. The recent unfolding of a concerning development has significant implications for Nigeria’s global standing as an investment hub.

    A Chinese company, Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co. Ltd, secured a court order in France following an arbitration award  initiated in 2017, with the Ogun State Government over a contractual relationship  that dates to 2010. The arbitration panel ruled in favour of Zhongshan, stating that “It is clear that Zhongshan is the effective winner in these arbitral proceedings, in that it has proved its version of events is accurate, successfully resisted Nigeria’s jurisdictional and preliminary objections, established a valid claim against Nigeria under the Treaty, and obtained an award for substantial damages.” This is not just a legal victory for the Chinese firm, but a red flag for Nigeria’s global investment reputation that demands immediate attention and action.

    This ruling is a significant blow to Nigeria’s absolute sovereign status and the doctrine of sovereign immunity. The order has since been upheld by a US court, which dismissed Nigeria’s sovereign immunity defence in enforcing the $70 million investment treaty award. The US court was scathing in its judgment, asserting that Nigeria had “gruesomely” violated the Chinese firm’s fundamental and commercial rights. This ruling has led to the dramatic seizure of three Nigerian aircraft in France—aircraft that belong to the federal government. The seized jets include a Dassault Falcon 7X, a Boeing 737-7N6/BBJ, and an Airbus A330-243, all stationed at Paris-Le Bourget and Basel-Mulhouse airports.

    While initially a dispute between a subnational government and a private firm, this situation has spiralled into a crisis with broader and more severe implications for Nigeria. It raises critical questions about Nigerian subnational entities’ conduct and  the federal government oversight of international contracts.  Can subnational entities enter into agreements guaranteed by sovereign that do not include national assets or support? What level of due diligence should subnational governments observe before they engage in contractual relationship with foreign firms? More importantly, does this case reflect a more profound, systemic issue within Nigeria—a culture that lacks respect for contracts and international agreements?
    The case also casts a spotlight on the perceived weaknesses of Nigeria’s institutions, which need more authority or respect on the global stage.+

    This perception is troubling and raises the question: do foreign investors lack confidence in Nigerian  institutions ? These are not rhetorical questions but rather pressing concerns that demand a thorough investigation and straightforward answers. The implications are dire, as evidenced by this case, which has resulted in public embarrassment for the country and the potential loss of much-needed funds due to poorly negotiated and managed contractual relationship . A thorough investigation is crucial to restore trust and confidence in Nigeria’s international business dealings.

    This situation is not an isolated incident but part of a worrying trend. It calls to mind earlier cases, such as the P&ID arbitration ruling in 2010, where Nigeria was found tardy in a failed gas supply and processing contract. Though this was reversed but it left a scar .  Similarly, in  2019, a UK court awarded an Irish engineering firm $9.6 billion in damages against Nigeria over a failed gas project. In that case, the firm went so far as to instruct its lawyers to identify Nigerian assets worldwide that could be seized to enforce the arbitration award. These incidents paint a troubling picture of Nigeria’s handling of international contracts and the country’s reputation on the global stage.

    The ongoing dispute with Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co. Ltd is likely to negatively impact Nigeria’s global standing, especially when the country is desperately trying to attract foreign direct investment. This case highlights the often poorly structured nature of Nigeria’s international contracts, where subnational governments and even private companies have found ways to entangle the federal government in their questionable and often poorly thought-out deals. The result is a further tarnishing of Nigeria’s already fragile reputation. Following the Dangote saga where there is perception that Nigeria could not treat its own businesses fairly ,this is another blow to Nigeria’s global image . The country already suffers from a prevalent negative perception regarding the sanctity of contracts, largely due to inconsistent adherence to contractual obligations. The federal government’s failures to uphold these commitments, particularly at the subnational level, only exacerbate the problem. This disregard for the sanctity of contracts contributes to a growing cynicism about Nigeria as a reliable destination for investment and business. It is crucial to uphold agreements and respect contracts to restore Nigeria’s reputation.

    The symbolism of this saga is still visible to us. Beyond the immediate damage to Nigeria’s national reputation, this incident brings broader issues related to leadership, business ethics, and the sacrosanct nature of contracts. It underscores the importance of continuity in government—where all governments inherit their predecessors’ assets and liabilities and should not cancel contracts arbitrarily. Moreover, this situation highlights the critical need to build solid, responsive, and trustworthy institutions that command respect locally and internationally and can handle the complexities of international business contracts. It is an anomaly that contracts involving Nigerian subnationals or firms and foreign businesses always situate arbitration in foreign lands when local institutions are available and ostensibly capable of fulfilling this role.

    This incident lays bare Nigeria’s leadership challenges and sensitivity to foreign investment disputes. If not resolved diplomatically and swiftly, such disputes could severely jeopardize Nigeria’s diplomatic relations and economic credibility.  I am happy the minister of foreign affairs is rising up to the challenge. The needless dispute between a negligent subnational entity and a private firm, which has dragged sovereign assets into the fray, could strain diplomatic ties between Nigeria and China. Recall that the root of this matter is the bilateral investment treaty signed by Nigeria and China in 2001 and since then we have seen progress in trade and investments on both sides. This recent imbroglio is  particularly concerning at a time when the federal government is expending billions of naira to woo foreign investors. The dispute has cast a stark light on the nature of business transactions in Nigeria, revealing the many dangers they pose to investors, especially when projects collapse or are mismanaged. The potential loss of much-needed funds due to poorly negotiated and managed  contractual relationship   is a stark reminder of the economic impact of such disputes.

    The recurring cases of Chinese companies taking advantage of Nigeria’s open business doors are increasingly worrisome. It is imperative that the federal government, particularly the Office of the Attorney General, take a closer look at international contracts entered by state governments to insulate sovereign assets from exposure. This situation raises significant constitutional questions: does the federal government have the constitutional authority to regulate or even approve contracts entered by subnational entities?
    The ongoing dispute between Zhongshan Fucheng Industrial Investment Co. Ltd and the Ogun State Government, which has now implicated Nigeria’s sovereign assets, is a stark reminder of the importance of upholding the sanctity of contracts and ensuring due diligence in international agreements. The federal government must take decisive action to safeguard Nigeria’s reputation as a reliable investment destination. This includes strengthening institutions, enforcing contractual commitments, and resolving disputes through diplomatic channels. Please government must  address these issues to ensure  good diplomatic relations and  not deter much-needed foreign investment, compromising Nigeria’s economic future.
    The time has come for Nigeria to reassess its approach to international business dealings. This reassessment must focus on restoring confidence among global investors, ensuring that all levels of government adhere to international best practices, and building institutions that are strong, respected, and trusted by domestic and international stakeholders. Nigeria can repair its reputation and safeguard its national interests in an increasingly interconnected global economy by doing so.

    This incident is more than just a legal or diplomatic issue; it is a wake-up call for Nigeria to realign its policies, practices, and institutions with global business demands. The country cannot afford to continue this path of negligence, laxity  and mismanagement. As this case has shown, the cost is far too high—not just in monetary terms, but in terms of Nigeria’s global standing, credibility, and future prosperity. It is imperative that Nigeria learn from this episode, take corrective action, and ensure that such incidents are not repeated in the future. The nation’s economic future and place in the global community depend on it. As for the foreign business sharks that aim to reap off Nigeria’s through dubious business deals  that cannot hold waters, it is time we isolate and deal with them and their Nigerian companions. Convicting some of these criminals will serve as a deterrent to others and help reduce such incidents in Nigeria.

  • From The DNC: Lessons For Nigerian Political Parties

    From The DNC: Lessons For Nigerian Political Parties

    Nigerians’ profound interest in US elections is no mere coincidence. The roots of this fascination lie deep in the historical and structural connections between the two countries’ political systems. Nigeria’s democracy, modelled closely after the US presidential-style system, naturally invites comparisons and draws parallels with American political practices. This connection is further deepened by the increasingly globalised nature of our world, where political developments in one nation can reverberate across continents, influencing governance, policies, and even public opinion in far-flung regions

    In Nigeria, this is particularly evident as US political dynamics, especially in the current digital age where social media amplifies voices and ideas, significantly impact the local political landscape.
    The strong economic and diplomatic ties that bind Nigeria and the United States further underscore the importance of closely observing events like the Democratic National Convention (DNC) and its counterpart, the Republican National Convention (RNC). These events are not just spectacles of democracy; they are pivotal in shaping US foreign policy, which invariably has significant implications for Nigeria. As the US navigates its complex political terrain, the decisions and policies that emerge from these conventions often ripple through its foreign relations, including with nations like Nigeria. In this context, the lessons that Nigerian political parties can draw from the DNC are not just valuable, but they are essential for the maturation and evolution of Nigeria’s democratic processes. These lessons have the potential to reshape the political landscape and inspire positive change in Nigeria.

    Political parties are the cornerstone of any functioning democracy. They serve as the vital platforms through which individual political aspirations are translated into collective action. This process is not just about enhancing electoral competitiveness, but also about ensuring that diverse interests within the society are represented and fostering a culture of political engagement among the populace. These functions are the bedrock upon which accountability and responsiveness in governance are built. For a developing democracy like Nigeria, where democratic institutions are still in the process of solidification, the institutionalisation of party structures is not just important—it is crucial.
    However, Nigeria faces significant challenges in this regard. The political landscape is often marred by a lack of effective party structures, which hinder parties’ ability to stimulate meaningful public dialogue or empower citizens to participate actively in the political process. This shortfall weakens the democratic fabric of the nation, leading to a disconnection between the government and the governed and often resulting in unresponsive governance to the populace’s needs and aspirations. It is urgent that these challenges are addressed, and it is the responsibility of all stakeholders in Nigerian politics to work towards a more inclusive and responsive system.

    Many Nigerians find themselves drawn to the Democratic Party of the United States for various reasons. These reasons range from the party’s historic nomination of a woman of colour, which resonates deeply in a country like Nigeria with its complex tapestry of ethnic and gender dynamics, to a general scepticism towards figures like Donald Trump, whose policies and rhetoric have often been perceived as divisive. There are also religious sentiments at play and an alignment with the broader policies and values that the Democratic Party espouses, particularly in areas such as social justice, healthcare, and immigration. This connection to the Democratic Party underscores why the DNC  is relevant to Nigeria’s political evolution. The convention is not merely a gathering of like-minded individuals; it is a platform where the party’s ideals, strategies, and future directions are showcased to the world. For Nigerian political parties, observing and learning from the DNC offers a unique opportunity to glean insights that can be adapted to strengthen their democratic processes.

    One of the most remarkable moments of the DNC  was President Joe Biden’s decision to step aside in the 2024 race, passing the torch to Vice President Kamala Harris. This decision was not just a political manoeuvre but a powerful statement about leadership and prioritising national interest over personal ambition. This act of selflessness and commitment to the greater good starkly contrasts the behaviour of much of Nigeria’s political elite, where prioritising personal and group interests over national ones is often the norm.
    Former President Olusegun Obasanjo has been vocal in his criticism of Nigeria’s leadership, describing it as plagued by self-centeredness—a significant impediment to the nation’s development. In Nigeria, political elites often wield power through political patronage and economic dominance, manipulating public opinion to align their interests with those of the country. This manipulation creates a dangerous dynamic where policies reflect the interests of the elite rather than the nation’s true priorities, leading to a disconnect between the government and the people. In this context, few Nigerian political leaders are willing to sacrifice their ambitions, even when they conflict with the common good. Biden’s decision to step aside offers a powerful example of what it means to lead with integrity and a focus on the nation’s collective well-being.

    The DNC  also highlighted the importance of unity and inclusivity in the political sphere. Despite internal differences and varying perspectives, all significant DNC members rallied behind Kamala Harris, presenting a united front. This unity was notable not just for its existence but for the way it transcended the divisions that often characterise political gatherings. There was no emphasis on Harris’s gender or race, no factionalism between “technocrats” and “professional” politicians, and no divisive rhetoric around religious affiliations. This starkly contrasts Nigeria’s political elite, who frequently exploit the country’s rich diversity;ethnic, religious, gender,  and social status—to advance their agendas. This exploitation often leads to feelings of exclusion and marginalisation among various groups, weakening the social fabric and undermining the potential for a unified nation.

    Another critical lesson from the DNC convention is the importance of consistency in policy positions. Vice President Kamala , in her address, clearly articulated her stance on a range of issues, including healthcare, housing, abortion rights, foreign policy, and the economy. The Party’s leading figures maintained a consistent and coordinated stance on these issues, united by a shared vision and policy goals. This consistency is crucial in a functioning democracy, as it provides voters with a clear understanding of what the party stands for and what they can expect if it comes into power.

    In stark contrast, Nigerian political parties often lack well-defined ideological beliefs and are instead defined by the personalities that dominate them. This absence of a coherent philosophy leads to frequent shifts in party allegiance, resulting in internal conflicts and inefficiencies in governance. Rather than focusing on meaningful policy dialogue, Nigerian political parties often operate within a patron-client framework, where loyalty is bought and sold and where policies are shaped not by the needs of the people but by the whims of influential individuals. This system stifles democratic processes and undermines effective governance, making it difficult for the country to move forward in a cohesive and coordinated manner.

    The DNC and RNC conventions also underscored the importance of respecting past leaders and celebrating the nation’s history and heroes. Both conventions paid homage to past presidents, civil rights leaders, and other figures who have shaped American history. This respect for tradition and the achievements of those who came before is a hallmark of a mature democracy. It reflects a commitment to continuity and recognition that the past provides a foundation for the future.
    In Nigeria, however, the narrative is often quite different. Successive leaders frequently seek to undermine their predecessors, showing little respect for the accomplishments of those who came before them. This attitude weakens the nation’s institutional memory and hampers efforts to build on previous successes. Current Nigerian political leaders often want to be seen and treated as demigods, believing their contributions are unparalleled and their legacies should overshadow those of their predecessors. This mindset stifles political progress and continuity, as each new administration needs to start from scratch rather than build on previous governments’ work.

    Finally, the DNC convention showcased a strong commitment to the peaceful power transfer to a new and younger generation of leaders. This was not just a rhetorical commitment; it was evident in how the convention provided a platform for young leaders to speak, presenting themselves as the party’s future. This is reminiscent of Obama’s 2004 DNC speech, which propelled him to national prominence and made his candidacy viable. The DNC’s approach to leadership transition reflects an understanding that the nation’s future depends on empowering the next generation and providing them with the tools and opportunities they need to lead.
    In Nigeria, however, the situation is quite different. Despite a youthful electorate,older politicians continue to dominate the major political parties. Patronage systems, which fuel entrenched interests, control these parties, preventing young people from playing significant roles beyond being tools for violence during elections. The failure to meaningfully involve young people in the political process deprives the country of fresh ideas and energy and perpetuates a cycle of stagnation and underdevelopment.

    Ultimately , the DNC offers a wealth of lessons that Nigerian political parties would do well to heed. These lessons are not merely theoretical; they are practical steps that, if implemented, could lead to a more vibrant, responsive, and effective political system in Nigeria. By adopting these practices, Nigerian political parties can play a pivotal role in the consolidation of democracy, ensuring that the nation’s political system is not only resilient but also reflective of the will and aspirations of its people.

  • Hello World, Goodbye Health: Curbing Big Soda’s Sportswashing At Olympics

    Hello World, Goodbye Health: Curbing Big Soda’s Sportswashing At Olympics

    On October 16, 2021, the Executive Board (EB) of the International Olympic Committee (IOC) endorsed the Olympism 365 strategy which aims to strengthen the role of sport as an enabler for the United Nations (UN) Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

    Through Olympism 365, the IOC, working with partners, uses sport to among others, help improve people’s physical and mental health and well-being.

    But just before the Paris 2024 Olympics kicked off in France, the IOC teamed up with Big Soda to do the reverse: promote products known to damage health and well-being.

    Big Soda is a synonym for the soft drink industry, particularly industry giants such as The Coca-Cola Company, PepsiCo, and Keurig Dr Pepper.

    The IOC teamed up with The Coca-Cola Company to “celebrate the power of sport and music” with a new song named ‘Hello World’.

    The song, which debuted the day before the Paris 2024 Olympic Opening Ceremony on Thursday, July 25, purported to promote unity and collaboration.

    But that was not all the Olympic Games’ theme song was about. It also sends a subtle message from the video’s sponsor: Coca-Cola. The company’s unmistakable logo and bottle are displayed prominently throughout the video as images of athletes’ greatest moments flicker across the screen.

    By the Hello World video, Big Soda is sending a message that they are associated with the positive values and emotions from sports that we all love to see, thus manipulating us into overlooking their damaging health harms.

    Big Soda wants its unhealthy drinks to be connected to positive feelings about sports and its stars, including excitement or perceptions of sports as a healthy social good.

    This is just one example of Big Soda’s sports washing that the world saw throughout the 2024 Paris Olympics and is still seeing at the ongoing Paralympics.

    Of particular concern is that sports sponsorship is an indirect way to reach children and teens, who may be especially susceptible to sports marketing.

    A 2018 study by Dixon H, Scully M, Wakefield M, Kelly B, Pettigrew S, Chapman K, et al titled “The impact of unhealthy food sponsorship vs. pro-health sponsorship models on young adults’ food preferences: a randomised controlled trial” found that parents often perceive food products as healthier when they are endorsed by a professional athlete, making them more likely to purchase them.

    The study also found that children strongly recall sponsors of their youth and professional teams and report favourable attitudes toward food and beverage companies for the sponsorship of events.

    Why does this matter? The reason is that sugary drinks, including Sugar-Sweetened Beverages (SSBs), are a major contributor to rising rates of obesity, Type 2 diabetes and heart disease, among other non-communicable diseases (NCDs) both in Nigeria and globally. Children’s exposure to pervasive, unhealthy food marketing is a major risk factor for childhood obesity.

    In Nigeria, no fewer than 27 per cent of all deaths are due to NCDs, according to the World Health Organisation (WHO) Country Disease Outlook 2023.

    The five major risk factors for NCDs are excessive consumption of alcohol, tobacco use, physical inactivity, air pollution and unhealthy diets, including SSBs.

    Additionally, plastic pollution, carbon emissions and water depletion are serious global concerns increasingly being linked to the sugary drinks industry and are also significant drivers of the climate crisis.

    Thus, the IOC’s association with Big Soda is undermining its noble vision to use sports to build a better world.

    Already, an online petition has been created by Kick Big Soda Out of Sport to urge the IOC to end Coca-Cola’s sponsorship deal and to commit to partnerships that align with Olympic values. It has garnered over 197,813 signatures as of September 3, 2024.

    A Kick Big Soda Out spokesperson said: “Sugary drinks harm people and our planet. By accepting billions from Coca-Cola to sponsor the Olympic Games, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) implicitly endorses a world where health and environmental harms are ‘sports-washed’ away, undermining commitments to use sport to create a better world.

    “By kicking Big Soda out of the Olympics, the IOC will show the world that it is not just committed to talking about these values, but is truly committed to making the world a better place through sport.”

    Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA) joins Kick Big Soda Out of Sport and its 91 other partner organisations who believe that sugary drinks harm people and our planet and that by accepting billions from Coca-Cola to sponsor the Olympic Games, the IOC implicitly endorses a world where health and environmental harms are “sports-washed” away, undermining commitments to use sport to create a better world.

    We demand that the IOC live up to its responsibility to prioritize the health and well-being of people and our planet over Big Soda’s corporate interests. The IOC must, in the interest of public health, end its practice of helping Big Soda use healthy sports to promote unhealthy products.

    Egbe is public health advocate at Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA).

  • The Role of Tempo in Musical Interpretation: A Case Study of Church Hymns

    The Role of Tempo in Musical Interpretation: A Case Study of Church Hymns

    Music has the power to stir the soul, communicate emotions and connect people to something greater than themselves. In no other context is this more evident than in church hymns, where the beauty of melody, lyrics and harmony combines to create a deeply spiritual experience. One crucial yet often overlooked element in this dynamic is tempo. Tempo, or the speed at which a piece of music is performed, plays a significant role in shaping how hymns are interpreted, felt and understood. In this article, we’ll explore how tempo influences musical interpretation, using church hymns as our case study.

    At first glance, tempo may seem like a simple technical aspect of music, defining how fast or slow a song should be sung. However, tempo does much more than dictate speed—it influences the overall atmosphere and emotional delivery of a hymn. For example, a hymn sung at a slower tempo can evoke a sense of solemnity, reverence or deep reflection, while some other hymn performed at a faster tempo might inspire joy, praise and a more jubilant expression of faith.

    Church hymns, being a crucial part of Christian worship, are designed to evoke a range of emotions, from the meditative to the celebratory. This makes the choice of tempo vital in church services, where the aim is to foster a meaningful connection between the congregation and the divine.

    Hymns like “Amazing Grace” or “Abide with Me” are often performed at a slow, contemplative tempo. These slower tempos allow the worshippers to reflect on the words, creating an atmosphere of introspection and awe. The steady, unhurried pace gives space for the congregation to meditate on the grace of God, His mercy, and the relationship between the divine and the individual. Here, tempo becomes more than just a musical tool—it becomes a medium for spiritual communion.

    On the other hand, hymns such as “Joyful, Joyful, We Adore Thee” or “When the Roll is Called Up Yonder” are often rendered at a faster tempo, igniting a sense of excitement and celebration. In this context, the quicker pace serves as a conduit for the outpouring of joy and communal praise. A faster tempo breathes life into the lyrics, encouraging the congregation to actively participate in worship, not just through their voices but also through their emotions and physical expressions.

    Tempo and Lyrics: A Symbiotic Relationship

    Lyrics are the soul of any hymn, conveying theological truths, expressions of faith and spiritual reflections. The tempo of a hymn should reflect the message in its lyrics. For instance, hymns like “It Is Well with My Soul” or “My spirit on thy care” carry lyrics that are deeply reflective, emphasizing trust in God’s providence and the comfort found in faith. A slower tempo allows the congregation to meditate on these profound words, giving space for each lyric to resonate fully in the heart and mind of the listener.

    Conversely, hymns with lyrics that express joy, triumph, or praise—such as “How Great Thou Art”, “My Faith has found a resting place” or “O Happy Day”—often benefit from a faster tempo. In these cases, a more upbeat pace underscores the celebratory nature of the words, heightening the sense of collective praise and excitement within the congregation.

    The interplay between lyrics and tempo can transform a hymn from a simple song into a powerful spiritual experience. By carefully considering the content of the lyrics, worship leaders can choose a tempo that not only fits the music but also deepens the emotional and spiritual engagement of the congregation.

    The Impact of Tempo on Congregational Participation

    Tempo not only shapes the emotional landscape of hymns but also influences how congregations engage with the music. When the tempo is appropriate for the context and the hymn, congregants feel more inclined to sing along, clap, or sway to the rhythm. For instance, during a solemn church service, a slower tempo helps maintain a spirit of reverence and unity, allowing for collective introspection.

    In contrast, during festive occasions, a faster tempo encourages more vigorous participation, lifting the energy in the room and creating a shared moment of celebration.

    It is important to note that tempo should be carefully chosen based on the message of the hymn and the setting of the service. A mismatch between tempo and the hymn’s lyrical content can lead to disengagement. For example, a reflective hymn sung too quickly may seem rushed and leave no room for spiritual reflection, while a joyful hymn performed too slowly can feel stilted, dampening the intended mood of praise.

    Tradition vs. Interpretation: A Balancing Act

    Another aspect of tempo in hymns lies in the balance between traditional tempos and modern interpretations. Some congregations prefer to stick to the traditional, established tempos that have been passed down through generations. These tempos carry a sense of continuity and respect for the church’s musical heritage. However, there is also room for creative interpretation, especially in contemporary worship settings where church musicians experiment with different tempos to refresh old hymns.

    The beauty of church hymns is that they can be interpreted in various ways, depending on the context and the needs of the congregation. A hymn that is sung slowly during a funeral service might be rendered more briskly in a celebration of life, showing how flexible tempo can be as a tool of interpretation. This versatility allows worship leaders and musicians to mold the musical experience to suit the occasion, making the hymn more impactful and relevant to those in attendance.

     

    Conclusion

    In the realm of church hymns, tempo plays a crucial role in shaping the spiritual and emotional atmosphere of worship. It is not merely a technical detail but a powerful medium of musical interpretation that can evoke feelings of reverence, joy, reflection, or celebration. Whether slow, meditative, fast or jubilant, tempo enhances the hymns’ capacity to engage worshippers, making them not just passive listeners but active participants in the worship experience.

    As we continue to appreciate the rich tradition of hymns in church services, it’s essential to recognize the thoughtful role tempo plays in delivering the message of the music. Understanding and harnessing the power of tempo can transform hymns into deeply moving experiences, elevating the collective worship of God and strengthening the connection between heaven and earth.

    Akindele, a Church Organist, Classical Musician and Communications expert, writes from Lagos

     

  • Nigeria and the Scramble for Africa 2.0

    Nigeria and the Scramble for Africa 2.0

    “Scramble for Africa” historically refers to the late 19th and early 20th centuries when European powers colonised and divided the African continent, seeking political, economic, and strategic dominance. Africa was mercilessly exploited, and to date, the scars remain. With its rich resources and sizable population, Nigeria became a prime target of British colonial authorities, a historical fact that underscores its continued strategic importance on the continent. Fast forward to the 21st century, and a new scramble for Africa is underway. This time, global powers compete for influence, resources, and markets rather than territories. Once again, Nigeria plays a central role in these geopolitical and economic dynamics.

    In this modern scramble, the dynamics differ considerably. The focus has shifted from territorial to economic conquest wrapped in infrastructure investments, aid and strategic alliances. Leading global actors—such as China, the United States, the European Union, and emerging powers like Russia, Turkey, and India—vie for influence across Africa through diplomacy, trade deals, and development initiatives. While politically independent, Africa remains a stage for intense geopolitical competition, as the world’s most powerful nations recognise the continent’s potential and seek to secure a share of its resources and promising future.

    Nigeria is pivotal in Africa’s trajectory as the continent’s most populous country and largest economy. The country is rich in oil reserves, has a rapidly expanding technology sector, and boasts an increasingly youthful and growing population. By 2050, projections indicate that one in four people will be African, and Nigeria is expected to account for a significant portion of that demographic shift. This youthful population, with its energy and potential, presents a promising future, making Nigeria a focal point in global power plays, with its future development and stability crucial for Africa and the world.

    However, Nigeria also faces many domestic challenges that complicate its ability to maximise the benefits of this shadow battle for influence by global powers. These issues include endemic corruption, ineffective political leadership, and security concerns. These issues have created a fragile environment for economic growth, even as foreign powers, as part of their grand strategy, seek to invest in the country’s resources and infrastructure to position their countries for influence and economic advantage.

    In recent years, a series of high-profile international summits have been held aimed at solidifying relationships with African nations. These summits, often referred to as an ‘old trick’ in international diplomacy, remain effective in the modern scramble for Africa. They serve as platforms for global powers to compete for influence and partnerships, highlighting the continued importance of Africa in the global geopolitical landscape.

    Unfortunately, Africa has learnt nothing from history. Some notable examples of these partnership summits include the Russia-Africa Summit, the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit, the European Union-African Union (AU) Summit, the Tokyo International Conference on African Development, and China’s Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC).

    Each of these summits represents a strategic attempt by global powers to strengthen ties, secure economic partnerships, and cement their geopolitical foothold in Africa. For instance, the European Union’s Global Gateway project, announced at the EU-AU Summit, seeks to counter China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) by offering substantial investments in African infrastructure. Likewise, the U.S.-Africa Leaders’ Summit highlighted a $55 billion investment plan over three years, reflecting a renewed focus by Western powers on regaining influence in a continent where China’s presence has become increasingly dominant.

    China’s FOCAC remains a crucial pillar of its engagement with Africa. At the 2024 FOCAC summit, China pledged USD 51 billion for 30 infrastructure projects across Africa, positioning Beijing for more significant influence on the continent. Meanwhile, emerging powers like India, Turkey, and the Gulf states are also working to deepen their ties with African nations, creating more comprehensive partnership options for African leaders.

    In this evolving global chessboard, the question remains: Is Nigeria a pawn in the hands of international powers, or can it become an active player shaping its destiny? Nigeria’s vast natural resources, demographics, expanding technology sector, and strategic location make it an attractive playground for foreign investment and global geopolitics. However, the country’s ability to benefit from this renewed battle for global influence hinges on its ability to navigate the complex landscape of international diplomacy and partnerships, in addition to the quality of domestic governance , the power of immigration , the rise of Ai and ICT and its positioning in the new global economic order. This is purely a function of leadership that has understanding and requisite navigational skill.

    At present, Nigeria faces a delicate balancing act. On one hand, foreign investments can drive much-needed infrastructure development, job creation, and technological advancement. However, the ever-present risk of economic dependency and the challenge of maintaining sovereignty exists. China’s large-scale infrastructure investments, often funded by loans, have sparked concerns over Nigeria’s rising debt burden and the potential for long-term economic vulnerability. These concerns underscore the need for Nigeria to adopt a cautious approach, ensuring that foreign partnerships do not compromise the country’s sovereignty or its long-term developmental goals. This delicate balance requires strategic decision-making and a clear understanding of Nigeria’s long-term interests in the global geopolitical landscape.

    Nigeria’s potential to play an active role in the African continent and emerging global dynamics is inextricably linked to its domestic stability, achieved by strengthening democratic institutions, improving security, promoting inclusive development, and maintaining a favourable investment  environment. Nigeria inevitably must build a strong economy as the foundation for effective foreign policy. We cannot continue to tumble from one economic policy to the next and expect to be given strategic importance in this new war for influence by powerful global nations on the continent.

    Nigeria’s leadership is central to its success in this new scramble for Africa. Without visionary and strategic leadership capable of understanding global dynamics and advancing Nigeria’s long-term interests, the country risks being left behind in the race for international influence. The need for such leadership is urgent, as Nigeria’s leaders must prioritise its strategic autonomy, leveraging its vast resources and human capital to negotiate favourable terms with global powers.

    Nigeria needs to be more active in a world where geopolitical competition intensifies. Its foreign policy must proactively build alliances with traditional and emerging powers while safeguarding the nation’s long-term interests. The country’s leaders must recognise the importance of actively shaping Nigeria’s future and Africa’s collective destiny. Nigeria, with its potential and resources, has a significant role in shaping the continent’s future.

    So far, sound bites from Nigeria’s foreign affairs minister, Yusuf Maitama Tuggar, seem reasonable, but action is more important. Nigeria is championing the 4D principle, Democracy, Demographics, Development and Diaspora. We led the UN tax reforms but till date we are yet to appoint  a permanent representative in the global body to further advance our agenda items. Nigeria has yet to appoint substantive ambassadors for all our missions in nearly one year, yet we expect the world to take us seriously in diplomatic engagements. Regional leadership in West Africa and the continent should be our natural forte, but we also are not getting it right.

    As one of Africa’s largest economies, Nigeria is uniquely positioned to lead the continent in defining its collective positions in dealings with external powers. However, this requires smart diplomacy and a Pan-African approach, whereby African nations present a united front in their negotiations with global actors. If African nations act as individual entities, they risk being divided and conquered by more considerable powers with far more excellent resources and strategic leverage.

    Africa’s ability to thrive in this new era of global competition depends on its capacity to unite as a bloc to secure mutually beneficial deals with external partners. By adopting a coordinated Pan-African strategy, African nations can negotiate from a position of strength, ensuring they benefit from foreign engagement rather than being exploited.

    The new scramble for Africa presents both opportunities and risks for Nigeria. Foreign investment offers a pathway to infrastructure development, economic growth, and technological innovation. However, the risk of neocolonialism and economic dependency looms as Nigeria and other African nations rely on external capital for their development. A culture of dependence on aids and foreign capital often creates a disincentive for critical thinking and institutional development.

    Nigeria’s future will depend on its ability to manage these external influences, prioritise national interests, and strengthen its internal governance. With strategic foresight and effective leadership, Nigeria can turn the renewed global scramble for Africa into an opportunity for national development, positioning itself as a key player worldwide. However, if Nigeria fails to navigate these challenges, it risks repeating past mistakes and falling prey to the forces that once sought to dominate it.

    The historical and contemporary scrambles for Africa share similarities in the way foreign powers seek to exploit Africa’s resources for their benefit. However, the modern scramble is driven by economic partnerships rather than direct colonisation. With exemplary leadership, Nigeria can be central to this new global competition as one of Africa’s most influential countries. While foreign investments bring growth opportunities, Nigeria must navigate the challenges of dependency, corruption, and internal security issues to ensure that it benefits from the new scramble without repeating past mistakes. Nigeria’s future depends on its ability to manage foreign relations while prioritising its national interests and development.

  • Thoughts on Nigeria’s Food Insecurity

    Thoughts on Nigeria’s Food Insecurity

    Nigeria is grappling with a multitude of significant challenges, each akin to a ‘ticking time bomb’ that threatens national stability. Among these, the most pressing yet underappreciated is food insecurity. Despite its critical nature and its direct link to national security, food insecurity has not received the urgent attention it requires from the federal and state governments. This crisis not only impacts the day-to-day lives of citizens but also undermines the country’s economic prospects and national security. The time to act is now, as government responses have often appeared chaotic or detached, failing to address the root causes of the problem.

    The failure to prioritise food security today will have severe long-term consequences. Statistics from the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO) reveal that as of 2023, approximately 25 million Nigerians were facing moderate to severe food insecurity. This represents a 20% increase from the previous year, primarily attributed to escalating inflation, insecurity, and the effects of climate change. These figures underscore the urgent need for a coherent, focused strategy to tackle food insecurity and avoid an even more profound crisis in the future.

    Nigeria can learn from successful food security strategies implemented in countries like India and Brazil, which have significantly reduced their food insecurity rates. By adopting similar approaches, Nigeria can make significant progress in addressing this crisis.

    Food insecurity in Nigeria is not a standalone issue but a complex web of interrelated factors. One of the most significant contributors is farmers’ lack of access to affordable capital. Agriculture, which employs over 70% of Nigeria’s rural population, remains stifled by high interest rates. The Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) maintains a benchmark interest rate of about 27.5%, while commercial bank interest rates range between 30-40%. These exorbitant rates make it nearly impossible for farmers to secure the financing they need to expand operations or adopt modern farming techniques. This is just one thread in the intricate fabric of Nigeria’s food insecurity.

    Farming is not just about planting seeds; it is a business that requires long-term investment. In Nigeria, however, the business environment prioritises short-term profit over sustainable growth. This mindset makes agriculture less attractive to investors, leaving farmers without the resources necessary to improve productivity. As a result, food production is declining year after year, exacerbating the country’s already severe food insecurity. A 2021 study by Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) reported a 15% decrease in agricultural output over the past five years, a troubling trend that, if unchecked, could lead to even more significant food shortages in the near future.

  • 1966 coup nearly marred my first teacher’s posting – 90-year-old retiree

    1966 coup nearly marred my first teacher’s posting – 90-year-old retiree

    In this interview with BIODUN BUSARI, 90-year-old Igbayilola Oyebiyi, goes down memory lane to recall her adventure as the only female councillor and first majority leader at Boripe Local Government Area under the old Oyo State. The octogenarian, who still foresees a better Nigeria, also spoke about the successive coups that ushered in military regimes, the transition to democratic governance, her fascinating experiences as a teacher, and many more

    From all indications, you have had a fulfilling life. Can you tell us more about the remarkable times that marked your nine decades on earth?

    My life has been full of grace, impact, and rich experiences from childhood. As a teacher, I have dedicated my life to the service of God and humanity.

    My parents, Niyi and Ibitola Ajiboye, gave birth to me on July 17, 1934. Losing my mother at a tender age was painful and I don’t think she lived up to the age of 30 before her death.

    I was nurtured by my stepmother and with the help of God, my aunt. I started my primary education in 1943 and finished Standard Six in 1950 at the First Baptist Church School, Ijagbo, Kwara State.

    What was it like getting your first job?

    In those days, you don’t have to write any application to get employed. After my Standard Six, I was posted to the First Baptist Church School, Ajasse-Ipo in Kwara State, in 1951.

    It was there that I got my first teaching job. Two years later, I went for a teacher’s training course at the Women Training College, Kabba, the present-day Kogi State.

    The training lasted for three years and I graduated with a Grade III certificate. I was employed at the Baptist Day School, Ijagbo, in 1955. It was there that I met my husband, Okunloye Oyebiyi, and we got married in 1957.

    God blessed us with six children. At that time, orthodox churches were the owner of schools and teachers often worked at schools owned by their churches. I was and am still a Baptist member.

    What was the difference between raising children then and now?

    The fear of God existed in those days and parents nurtured their children. It was the responsibility of all parents at that time to advise children, encourage, and discipline them without resentment.

    Children saw their teachers as confidants and treated them with respect. But the reverse is the case now. Today’s youths often seek quick success without enduring the trials and difficulties that come with it.

    Materialism is mistaken for success and has made many miss the real thing. Passion is also missing, even among Christians. It wasn’t so during my time. Then, boys and girls were trained to do house chores, and it was the joy of all parents to instil discipline in any child they came across.

    Our society grew with productive efforts and ideas initiated by teachers and supported by parents. Education was valued, although teachers were paid very little. Despite this, teachers were respected and could walk with their heads held high, believing their work ethics were vital in building a better society.

    Today, many of these virtues have been eroded by false doctrines, and there is little respect for elders.

    What was an unforgettable experience in your teaching career?

    In 1966, my husband gained admission to the Rural College of Education, Minna, Niger State, to further his studies, leaving me and the children at Ijagbo.

    I suggested we should be together as a family and we made our intention known at the Baptist Church headquarters, and it was approved.

    I was eventually transferred to Minna but unfortunately, during the festive period, we returned home to discover that my father-in-law was sick and bedridden.

    My husband couldn’t take him to the hospital due to the violent crisis called Operation Wet ie that rocked the Western Region.

    My father-in-law later died, and we conducted his funeral before travelling back to Minna.

    This really delayed us. We travelled by train, which took about three days. When we arrived on January 15, 1966, we were greeted with the news of a coup.

    It was the country’s first military coup, during which the former Prime Minister, Tafawa Balewa; former Premier of the Northern Region, Ahmadu Bello; Ladoke Akintola, and others were killed.

    This disturbed me emotionally because I kept wondering why it should happen on my first day in a new place.

    The chaos disrupted our plans as we started scrambling for safety and shelter. Initially, I blamed myself for the decision because the city was plunged into chaos, leading to the loss of lives and property.

    My husband had to use the landline at a railway station to call his friend, who came to pick us up. It was one of the most harrowing experiences I ever had.

    Afterwards, we settled amid the chaos and spent three years in Minna. Later, my husband travelled to the United States, and I had to leave Minna with my children in December 1969, after getting a transfer back to Ijagbo.

    I was later promoted to another school in Offa, Kwara State, as a headmistress in 1976. I stayed there until the government sponsored me and a male colleague for a teaching course at the Ado Bayero University, Kano State.

    I was later posted to Ikirun in Oyo State, now Osun State.

    Another unpleasant experience I had was that my salary was reduced twice in Niger and Oyo states because the authorities said I was earning more than my colleagues.

    Were you not overwhelmed by these transfers?

    They were not pleasant experiences but seemed easier because my husband and I were passionate about our teaching careers.

    My husband travelled to Ikirun for another course, and I joined him there with the children. We had barely settled when he was transferred again to Ibadan, and I received a transfer letter to Iree.

  • Tithe too small to run church – Pastor

    Tithe too small to run church – Pastor

    General Overseer of God’s Mercy Revival Ministries, Dr James Akanbi, is known for his teachings, which continue to inspire many within the Christian community. In this interview with FELIX OLOYEDE, he discusses tithing, challenges the church faces in influencing governance in Nigeria and the country’s economic struggles

    How has the journey been in the last 25 years in God’s Mercy Revival Ministries?

    The journey has been quite exciting. For a ministry, you don’t know what will unfold when you start. We began with 12 people. When all our families came together, we were 46. At our first vigil, we were 173. And then, at the first Sunday service held in July 1999, we were 178.

    We operated not by ambition but by vision and followed the script given to us. I tell people that if it were about ambition, you would never find me in ministry because my ambition was focused on something else.

    I was the first African general manager appointed in our company. So, if it were about ambition, I was already looking to be transferred to Sweden or Zambia, where we had subsidiaries. It was a vision that brought me into ministry, and I followed it, allowing things to evolve little by little.

    It is exciting because every year we see changes; that’s what makes it exciting. When you plateau or stagnate in ministry, it becomes frustrating. But here in God’s Mercy, there is a new vision every year. This year, we are running a completely different vision. The excitement of God leading us year by year makes the 25 years not boring but very exciting.

    What are some of the lessons you’ve learnt?

    The lessons are many. I learnt that failure is not final, defeat is not fatal, and a bend is not the end. I’ve faced situations that made it seem as if the ministry would shut down. A typical example was during our third or fourth year. We wanted to build and were working on the decking of our house, and just a month and a half before the convention, the building collapsed.

    Everyone cried, but I saw it as a time to move into action, not to cry. Within two weeks, we were able to rebuild the decking. I’ve learned lessons of resilience and perseverance. If you fail and stay down, you’ll fail forever, but if you fail and rise, you’ll grow to greatness.

    There has been a debate lately concerning tithing in the church. What is your position on this?

    I think the problem is that most people don’t understand that tithing is not what finances the church. Tithes can’t finance the church. Tithe is too small to run a church. Here, the tithe that comes in every month is around N2m. Now, take that N2m – that’s about N24m a year. In the past five months alone, we’ve spent over N170m to run this international office and do all this interlocking.

    So, how will tithe cover that? But tithe is something that has been stipulated in the scriptures. It is clear. Some people will say, “Oh no, there was no New Testament mention of it.” But Jesus didn’t condemn it; He mentioned it.

    He said, “You take tithe, but you do this as well.” Many people out there think that tithe is a massive amount of money coming into the church. The tithe that comes to God’s Mercy can’t even cover my bills for a month.

    So, how is the church financed?

    It’s the people whose lives God has touched that donate to the church. Freewill donations are different from tithing. Tithing is voluntarily compulsory according to the scriptures, while donations are freewill offerings.

    For example, when I came into ministry, I sold my house and gave the proceeds to the church. That’s not tithe. The first house I built in my life, I gave to the church; that’s not tithe. And even if I wanted to tithe from that, let’s say I sold the house for N10m, then, paid a tithe of N1m, that’s lower compared to the N10m I gave to the church. I was building a six-flat apartment, sold it, and gave the money to the church. That is different from bringing the tithe. The tithe is small.

    If you value this place we are sitting in now, it is worth billions. How much tithe have we received since the inception of this ministry that would amount to a billion naira? If God lifts someone, and they achieve greatness, they can do something for God. That is what actually finances the church, not the tithe that the world is focusing on. When I see such debates, I laugh and wonder if these people know what they’re talking about. How much is the tithe compared to what we spend? If you look at this ministry’s budget, you’ll see that the tithe doesn’t cover much.

    Many believe the church is not exerting its influence as much as it should in governance. What is your take on this?

    I completely agree with that. Don’t forget that the church is a microcosm of the larger society; a subset of it. The church reflects the sum of what we have in society, and that includes its flaws.

    Charlatans have entered the church; people who have nothing to do with the church are there.

    Pastors, who call themselves pastors, people who are not ordained, or people that the kingdom of darkness has ordained to trouble the real church of Christ – they are there.

    So, the church can’t speak with one voice because some are working for darkness. When the church wants to speak, these people weaken its voice, saying we don’t need to confront the government because they want the church to be weakened.

    They are in the Pentecostal Fellowship of Nigeria and the Christian Association of Nigeria. The devil intentionally sponsored them to weaken the church and turn its light into darkness.

    They’ve mixed with us, using money, philanthropy, and all manner of good deeds to attract people, but that doesn’t make them of God. But they have perfected their agenda to infiltrate.

    The apostle Paul, in his time, said, “They came privily to look at our liberty.” That’s what these people have done, and that’s why the church has become too weak to speak to the government.

    What do you think the Church should do differently?

    The church needs to clean its house, and I need to clean mine. The church should return to what it was in the old times – a place of purity, integrity, and honesty.

    There was holiness preaching, living, and standards in those days. Now, there’s a very thin line between the world and the church.

    The church has entered the world, and the world has entered the church. The two have mixed, creating an unholy alliance, a compromise.

    When sand and salt mix, you need a serious chemical process to separate them.

    People believe that the gospel of  prosperity is a way of scamming the church. How would you respond to this?

    It’s the same issue of bad eggs spoiling the batch. Prosperity wouldn’t be a bad thing if it followed the scriptural purpose.

    It wasn’t meant to be materialistic but for God’s purpose. When the children of Israel left Egypt, God prospered them and gave them silver and gold to build the synagogue in the wilderness.

    That was the purpose of prosperity. But now, when God blesses people, they turn it into materialism. Materialism is different from prosperity, and that’s the problem we have.

    The gospel of prosperity wouldn’t be bad. Jesus performed miracles and even got money from a fish’s mouth. So, God wants to bless us, but for what purpose?

    Is it just to dress in extravagant clothing and buy expensive stuff? To go to America and shop, turning into Hollywood in the process?

    That’s not God’s purpose. God intends to prosper His people, and He will always do so. But we need to understand what prosperity is meant to serve. When you don’t know the purpose of something, abuse is inevitable.

    What are the plans for God’s Mercy Revival Ministry in the next phase?

    We thank God for where we are now. We’ve already started another phase, even from here. Anyone who comes into the ministry would know that we’ve changed our administration and structure. We are moving forward. This is just the preliminary foundation for the new phase we want to establish after this 25th year.

    Why did you recently say lack of continuity is one of the major challenges the country faces ?

    We don’t have institutionalised administration. Institutionalised administration is continuous and ssccessive governments should come in to meet that structure. But in Nigeria, everyone comes in with their own principles, policies, theories, and economic models. That’s our problem. Nigeria doesn’t have institutionalised politics. We don’t know what to expect from APC or PDP. But in the UK, we know what Labour will do, and we know what the Conservatives will do.

    In America, we know what the Republicans and Democrats will do. But in Nigeria, it’s what the president wants to do that we see. Institutionalised administration has a blueprint that you meet and work with when you came into office.

    What is your advise to Nigerians currently battling hardship?

    They should be resilient. The bad time is now, the good time will come. We have seen bad times in the past and good times come around. Bad times are here, good times will come.

    I told some guys earlier that the other regime had a fixed exchange rate, while this one is doing floatation.

    Those are economic theories that are enemies; they are not going to work together.

    With this enemy coming after the other one has come, there are going to be complications.

    Before we can see any respite, there will be a lot of complications; trouble, and real hardship. But eventually, there may be a solution.

    But the problem is this, when another regime comes, what if that one shifts again to a fixed regime? Another complication will start again.

    Are you saying that if you were to be in charge of this country, you would go with the current reforms, in terms of having a floated exchange rate?

    We can’t single out one policy out of the plethora of what should be. We have to know if this floatation will flow with other policies. What is the real manifesto of the political party that is in power? How do we synchronise and reconcile this type of floatation with their thrust of policy? There’s no policy thrust.

    So, if I get there – well, it’s impossible for me to get there. But, the point is that the parties themselves, first of all, should be able to know that this is our standard manifesto.

    Then the country also has to have institutionalised administration so that we would know that if this party comes in, this is the type of economic policy that we would have. If this one comes in, this is the kind of economic policy we will have.

    There must be something like that before we talk about either floatation or fixation. What I see here is that we are placing something on nothing. What is the foundation of the party that is in government? What do they have to support this policy that they are bringing on board?

    Everybody knows that after you bring in floatation there is going to be food inflation.

    What have we done to be able to handle the food inflation? Go and look at the price index and you will see that it has actually blown the roof. We were meant to have seen all this before removing the fuel subsidy. Have we brought in buses that will be able to help people so that transporters will not jack up the prices?

    We have not done some of the infrastructural policies that support that kind of economic model before they are put in place; that is where we have a problem.

    Finally, you said Nigeria can’t crash. Do you still hold this view?

    Nigeria can’t crash. I still hold that view

    Why?

    Look, the Bible said God created nations and those nations will exist until Jesus comes. Nigeria as a nation can’t crash. It will look as if it will crash and it will stand again. If Jesus tarries, you and I will see that Nigeria will still exist. Nigerians may be suffering, but we are very resilient here; very persevering.

    The policies might take us to the brink of failure but another party will enter again and bring us back. In Britain recently, their inflationary level reached a point that it has never reached but another government came in and brought it back to normal. People thought, “Oh, the nation will fail.” But nations don’t fail like that. Go to the Caribbean nations where things are terrible. Go to Haiti and Belize; these are places that should have crashed a long time ago.

    But we saw what happened between South Sudan and Sudan and some other African countries.

    They split but they didn’t fail. South Sudan is doing well. Even though they are fighting, they are still a nation. Even if they have to split themselves into two or three, they will still exist as a nation.

    So, a nation will continue to be a nation. The worst that can happen to Nigeria probably is if it breaks into two or three. But Nigeria in the end is in the Nigerian.

  • Alleged N25m Fraud: Man Arraigned for Land Racketeering in Maiduguri

    Alleged N25m Fraud: Man Arraigned for Land Racketeering in Maiduguri

    The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, EFCC, has arraigned Mohammed Umar Aji before Justice Aisha Kumaliya of the Borno State High Court sitting in Maiduguri for alleged land fraud.

    He was arraigned on a one- count amended charge bordering on criminal misappropriation to the tune of N25,000,000.00 (Twenty Five Million Naira) by the Maiduguri Zonal Command

    The lone-count read: “That you, Muhammad Umar Aji, sometimes in February 2023 at Maiduguri, Borno State within the jurisdiction of this Honourable Court, did dishonestly misappropriated to your own use certain properties to wit: the aggregate sum of N25,000,000.00 (Twenty Five Million Naira only) being proceeds for the sale of properties (1) a plot of land on BOTP/33 covered by Right of Occupancy on number BO/42010 and (2) a House on plot number 348 covered by Certificate of Occupancy BO/5285 and thereby committed an offence contrary to and punishable under Section 308 and 309 of the Penal Code Laws of Borno  State Cap. 102 vol.3 of 1994 respectively.”

    The defendant pleaded “not guilty” to the charge when it was read to him, prompting counsel for the prosecution,  Mukhtar Ali Ahmed to pray the court for a  trial date and urged the court to remand the defendant in a Correctional Centre.

    Justice Kumaliya thereafter adjourned the matter till February 28, 2024 for trial and remanded the defendant in a Correctional Centre.

  • Japa syndrome taking toll on legal profession – Lawyer

    Japa syndrome taking toll on legal profession – Lawyer

    In this interview with GBENGA OLONINIRAN, legal practitioner and coordinator, University of Benin Law Class of 2004 20th Reunion Planning Committee, Olakunle Fapohunda, speaks on the nitty-gritty of the legal profession in Nigeria

    As a 2004 UNIBEN Law graduate, looking back over the past 20 years, how would you describe the legal profession in Nigeria?

    When we left the university in 2004, our democracy was merely five years old and the legal profession had just started to take shape. The military had just returned to the barracks, and the judicial arm of government was beginning to enjoy its pride of place under our then nascent democracy. Over the years, the judicial arm of government has grown and it has now come of age under successive civilian administrations. I can safely state that our democracy has fared well since 2004 despite the presence of little hiccups here and there.

    There are concerns about low remuneration for lawyers, which some fear could discourage law undergraduates. What is your advice for young lawyers and students in the country?

    Generally, remuneration of lawyers has always been an issue in Nigeria. When most of us got called to the Nigerian Bar in 2006, the average monthly take home pay of most of us was in the region of N25,000, but we forged ahead and refused to give up. It is a different ball game entirely today. As much as we all appreciate the fact that money is essential, our profession is such that only a few were lucky in terms of remuneration in the early years. My advice to the younger ones is to look beyond the moment and endure because there is always a glimmer of light at the end of the tunnel. Although it behooves the national association of lawyers to ensure that lawyers are better remunerated.

    Do you foresee brain drain in the legal profession as seen among medical professionals?

    The legal profession has been hit by what has been termed ‘japa’ syndrome in the common parlance in the last three to four years too. Many of our colleagues have relocated to several locations, including but not limited to Canada, United Kingdom, Australia and America and some of them have been able to integrate themselves into their newfound communities, whilst some have even abandoned the legal profession for other vocations. So, one can safely submit that our profession has been greatly hit too.

    Can the Federal Government do anything to ensure better welfare for lawyers?

    Yes, the Federal Government can ensure better welfare for lawyers by making legislations that further protect the profession. Lawyers too must take full advantage of the Legal Practitioners Remuneration Order 2023 by charging the prescribed fees and desist from charging and receiving N50,000 for drafting multi-million naira contracts. It is not only demeaning, it breeds poverty.

    Earlier this year, there was a controversy over a trade deal that could allow UK lawyers to practice in Nigeria. Although the FG has backtracked on this, what would have been the implication of such a deal?

    The Legal Practitioners Act is clear on the subject. According to Section 4 of the Legal Practitioners Act, a person is entitled to be called to the bar if: he is a citizen or non-citizen of Nigeria; he produces to the Benchers a qualifying certificate issued by the Council of Legal Education; he satisfies the Benchers that he is of good character. As it stands, only persons who have satisfied the afore-stated conditions can practice law in Nigeria. No other person can practice law in Nigeria unless and until this law is amended.

    Prior to the nationwide hardship protests in August, governments in Lagos and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja sought court orders that restricted protesters to a particular location. Do you think the move infringes on people’s rights to peaceful protest?

    The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) is clear on the issue of protests in Nigeria. The right of every Nigerian to assemble and associate to protect their interests is preserved by the provision of Section 40 of the Constitution. Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution also stresses the importance of public participation in governance. However, these various rights are not absolute, as protesters are enjoined to respect the rights of others and to maintain law and order by conducting themselves peacefully during protests.

    There have been some reports of lawyers facing harassment and detention at police stations while seeking clients’ bail, how can lawyers be protected while carrying out their duties?

    I am aware of isolated cases where lawyers have been subjected to inhuman conditions at police stations in the past, and I am also aware of the efforts being deployed by the various branches of the Nigerian Bar Association, and even the Nigerian Bar Association has had cause to interfere at the national level. Lawyers and the police are partners in the criminal justice system and there is a need for both institutions to work as a team, always.

    Last month, students of UNIBEN protested the rationing of electricity on their campus. Given the challenge of rising cost of electricity, how do you think the alumni body can intervene on issues of funding in the institution?

    The duty of funding institutions lies with the owners/operators of such institutions. There is really little the relevant alumni bodies can do in this regard, but I will only encourage alumni bodies to continue to do their best.

    How is the Law Class of 2004 giving back to the UNIBEN Faculty of Law?

    The class has always given back to the Faculty. At our first reunion held in Benin in 2016, we donated volumes of law reports to the Faculty. At the subsequent ones, we have also reached out generously. This time around, we are also packaging a project for the Faculty.