TodayPrice

Author: Val Kosi

  • Herbert Wigwe: The Things Yet Unsaid

    Herbert Wigwe: The Things Yet Unsaid

    Clean-shaven, suave, upwardly mobile, and incurably optimistic ,Herbert Onyewumbu Wigwe (HOW) was one of the most recognisable figures in the banking space and corporate Nigeria. His official biography could only be written by him. But I hope his example can inspire and influence us. Accurately describing Herbert in one word can be compared to explaining the mystery of centuries in a few words or a wild goose chase. It is a nuanced and complex process.

    He was an extraordinary businessman who died alongside his wife and son in the United States of America under exceptional circumstances. His tragic and sudden departure reverberated beyond our shores. But who was Herbert Wigwe? I can only answer this question from the narrow prism of my friendship and many encounters with him.

    Herbert and I were members of the same local church assembly, and I witnessed his dedication to spirituality, good works, and commitment to church growth. It is easy to explain because of his solid Christian foundation. Herbert’s father, Elder Shyngle Wigwe, is a pastor in the Redeemed Christian Church of God. Herbert was a man of prayer, which he complemented with a ruthless work ethic. He attributed all his successes to God’s blessings.

    Both of us are from Rivers State, and we had many sessions on how best to fix the politics of Rivers and, by extension, improve the State’s development trajectory. Herbert was utterly detached from politics but had deep insight into political manoeuvrings. We debated the affairs of Rivers State and the country, and he baffled me with the precision with which he predicted the outcome of political contests. He would quickly tell you that his political party is Nigeria and no other.

    His passion for Nigeria was simply unwavering. Only a few persons can match his faith in Nigeria. He firmly believed that he would impart society by using businesses to provide solutions to society’s needs and create wealth that would touch the lives of many. He was unapologetically capitalist, in the proper sense of it, and he lived his life using capital to solve many societies’ needs, such as creating employment, paying taxes, providing lots of charity, and investing heavily in world-class university education. He used capital as an instrument for socio-cultural upliftment across Africa.

    Herbert was a man of bold dreams and obsessed with excellence while making room for unavoidable mistakes. Herbert never gave up on any bold dream, no matter the odds. He rode the waves of challenges and was filled with the spirit of hard work, dedication, and strokes of ingenuity. He had bold dreams in all ramifications, and this was self-evident. First, as a young banker, he teamed up with his friend and partner to acquire “a distressed bank”, rated number 89 then, and turn it around in two decades to become one of the top five banks, with an assets base of over N20.9 trillion, is phenomenal. Herbert, as CEO, set out to build an Access Bank with the vision of becoming the gateway to Africa and the world’s most respected African bank. With a presence in more than 13 African countries plus a footprint in other continents, Access Bank was working towards realising this vision. Second, Wigwe University, which Herbert personally referred to as the “Future Harvard University of Africa”, was another extraordinary, bold dream. He set out to build the best University in Africa, investing $500m in the initial set-up. You do not need further testament that he was a man of bold dreams.

    An entrepreneur extraordinaire, his mystique was his ability to sniff out opportunities where others see none, multiplied by the fact that he was one of the most persistent persons I know when going after opportunities. He mentored many budding entrepreneurs, top managers, and top academics in entrepreneurship. Apart from his well-known flagship, Access Bank, he was active in other financial services, construction, oil and gas, aviation, film, and music, and, most recently, the education sector. He made a star success of all his multiple business pursuits.

    Herbert’s hidden strength was his ability to connect with people of all classes and cadres, accompanied by a related instinct to simplify complex things in the most basic way. His mastery of Rivers’ version of Pidgin English could only equal his fluency in Queens English. He was among the few successful people referred to as the “original old Port Harcourt boy”. Another strength of his was his courageous, daring, patient, and persistent nature, which added to his relentless ambition to accomplish exceptional things. This attracted to him friends and foes in equal measure.

    His philanthropic work in the Herbert Wigwe Foundation, which he founded in 2016, focused on youth empowerment, health, arts, and education. This focus on youth development was central to his mentoring, given his strong belief in the importance of the youth in the development of Nigeria and Africa. He was an art enthusiast and contributed to art development in the country. As the art connoisseur he was, his collection reflected his passion for excellence, diversity, and social purpose. The HOW foundation extensively supported many healthcare projects for the downtrodden among us. His charity works were unique because he loathed publicity about it.

    Herbert’s enduring legacy is the power of vision, bold dreams, courage, and determination to pursue it and rally people to accomplish the objective. This is what we need to improve in our public space. History has shown that bold dreams have the power to transform societies. He was exceptionally enterprising and entrepreneurial.

    Listening to Herbert talk about his vision was to find yourself in the oasis of inspiration. He genuinely believed that there was nothing you fixed your mind on that you could not accomplish. He had bold dreams for the banking sector, tertiary education, the oil  and gas industry and most importantly society.

    What lessons can we learn from him? Herbert epitomised a life of passion, dedication, resilience, and boldness in achieving grand personal and societal visions. He was bold in setting out great goals and pursuing them relentlessly until he reached them. He proves that an unexamined life is not worth living. To achieve greatness and impact on society maximally, one must be purposeful, bold, and patient. Herbert’s hidden strengths prepared him for an eventful life – a life he lived on his terms. His ability to connect with people, courage, daring attitude, ambition, and excellent work ethic are the ingredients of his success and must be emulated. Peter Drucker posits, “The best way to predict the future is to create it.” Herbert created his future and lived it to the full of those he loved.
    For our budding entrepreneurs, Herbert left a legacy. He proved the axiomatic expression true: “Entrepreneurship is living a few years of your life like most people won’t so that you can spend the rest of your life like most people can’t.” He made the needed sacrifices at the start of his entrepreneurship and built capital enough to be reckoned among his contemporaries. Steve Jobs posits that “your work will fill a large part of your life, and the only way to be truly satisfied is to do what you believe is great work.”

    Herbeth did outstanding work; the only way to do great work is to love what you do. Success is not just a product of luck. Hard work, knowledge, skills, and integrity underpin it. Thomas Jefferson argued, “The harder I work, the more luck I seem to have.” Herbert worked hard enough to be lucky. He had an eye for greatness. It is little wonder he set great goals for himself.

    John Rockefeller advised that one should not be “afraid to give up the good to go for the great.” Both in banking and establishing a University, Herbert went for greatness and achieved it. We should do the same. As a business and community leader, Herbert understood that the function of leadership is to produce more leaders, not more followers. He created leaders of industries and global advocates of responsible capitalism in the 21st century.

    My friend and brother Herbert lived like a candle in the wind. His star burned so brightly but ended so shortly. Greatness in life is not measured in how long one lives but in the impact of one’s life on society. Herbert lived, and he conquered. Adieu, my great visioner!

  • Nigeria’s Student Loan: Taking Off Without a Base

    Nigeria’s Student Loan: Taking Off Without a Base

    Since late last year, the launch of the student loan initiative has experienced multiple deferrals, with state authorities announcing its commencement at no fewer than three different times, with the most prospective date-as stated by its sponsor and Chief of Staff (COS) to the President, Femi Gbajabiamila-now being in a few weeks’ time.

    In the interim, significant alterations have been made to the legislative framework of the scheme under the Students Loans (Access to Higher Education) Act, 2023. For instance, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has gone ahead to instruct the Nigeria Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) management to broaden the scheme’s coverage to accommodate students interested in skill development programmes.

    The stringent eligibility criteria initially required by the Act for student loan applicants, which includes securing two guarantors of notable professional standing, and falling under a specific income threshold, have also been relaxed, according to media reports.

    Previously, the Act mandated potential loan beneficiaries to supply at least two guarantors in the form of civil servants at or above grade 12, lawyers with a decade of post-call experience, judicial officers or justices of peace.

    This raised concerns about how the criterion may exclude many deserving indigent applicants due to their lack of extensive social networks or high-status connections.

    Now according to the statements by the NELFUND, these requirements have been reviewed such that the entirety of the process will be technologically driven with applicants only required to upload their details on a dedicated website.

    If nothing, these delays and adjustments underscore the complex task of melding the policy into a viable framework amid considerable doubts expressed about its workability by stakeholders in the education sector.

    Regrettably, the process of the student loan policy amendment has been so far shrouded in secrecy with information regarding the specifics of the revised policy limited to sporadic media reports citing statements from legislators, the presidency, and the NELFUND management.

    For the record, it is imperative to note the House of Representatives (HOR) response to public criticism of the flawed student loan policy framework.

    Reactions to the legislation necessitated the HOR to set up an Ad-hoc Committee tasked with obtaining feedback from the public and making recommendations for strengthening the policy.

    The Committee’s engagement with stakeholders on August 15, 2023 at a one-day legislative summit on the issue, laid bare the manifold shortcomings of the legislation, culminating in decisive recommendations for its repeal and re-enactment, aimed at harmonizing and rectifying the identified discrepancies.

    Despite news reports suggesting that troubling provisions of the policy have been reviewed, the absence of a publicly accessible document delineating these modifications casts a shadow of uncertainty over the entire reform process.

    This opacity has left stakeholders adrift in a sea of conjecture, uncertain whether the legislation was repealed, amended, remains untouched in its problematic form or if the changes made may also not have introduced new issues that require scrutiny.

    Against this backdrop, a pressing question arises: on what basis is the initiative set to launch, apparently circumventing essential democratic processes crucial for ensuring its legitimacy and the public participation that is critically important for its validation?

    Unresolved Issues?
    Beyond the ambiguity that shrouds the amended or re-enacted student loan framework, a critical question remains unanswered: will the scheme effectively tackle deep-seated issues afflicting the educational sector, such as funding deficits, the mass exodus of teaching talents, the dearth of research facilities, frequent staff strikes, inadequate staff remuneration, and the dilapidation of learning and hostel facilities?

    These factors critically impact the quality of student learning experiences and are structural problems that cannot be wished away by the student loan.

    Even so, the student loan framework conspicuously lacks mechanisms for grievances-vital for upholding students’ rights to obtain tangible value from their loans and for voicing concerns when educational outcomes do not meet expectations. As such, the scheme falls short of facilitating the holistic improvement of tertiary education in Nigeria, thereby undermining its potential to enhance students’ academic experiences and development.

    In the final analysis, what the Nigerian government must undertake is a fundamental recalibration-a return to the basics of adequately funding the educational sector to unlock its full potential.

    While interventionist initiatives like the student loan fund may present an appealing façade, they scarcely tackle the root causes that have perennially constrained the educational system.

    This systemic oversight elucidates one of the reasons why the Academic Staff Union of Universities (ASUU) has persistently rejected the loan scheme and recently refused to seat on the management board governing the loan scheme.

    Despite the challenges existent in its tertiary sector, Nigeria has the potential to nurture world-class university centers if state authorities commit to a sustained investment in education.

    If the government has the capacity to allocate funds to the student loan scheme from its various national coffers-tax income and profits-it undoubtedly possesses the capability to enhance funding for the educational sector.

    Persistent underfunding has been identified as a critical barrier within the educational sector, with Nigeria continually failing to meet the global recommended funding benchmark of 26 percent of the national budget to education. In 2024, the sector’s allocation was a mere N2.18 trillion, representing only 7.9 percent of the national budget.

    An upward review of the budgetary allocation to education is imperative for the radical transformation of the landscape.

    A substantial injection into the system will not only effectively address entrenched issues that have historically undermined the sector, but also foster academic environments where emphasis is placed on quality over quantity.

    Ultimately, this strategic approach will guarantee the production of well-rounded individuals equipped with the necessary skills to advance society, rather than merely churning out graduates who have attended school without benefitting from a transformative educational experience.

    Zikora, Policy and Research Officer at Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA), writes from Lagos

     

  • High Cost of Government, Low Outcome

    High Cost of Government, Low Outcome

    President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has taken both symbolic and structural actions to demonstrate his belief that the current high cost of government is not sustainable.

    The first was an announcement or executive order directing Ministries,Departments and Agencies(MDAs)to slash the size of official delegations for foreign and domestic trips by up to 60 per cent – an action that resonated with the mood in the country.

    The second is the Federal Executive Council’s approval to implement Steve Oronsaye’s report on the merger and scrapping of MDAs.

    This structural action is a baby step, albeit good for proponents of a complete overhaul of government structure . Both measures are more symbolic than substantive. However, it clearly shows that the government realises the negative impact of high government costs on economic growth and providing services to the people.I acknowledge as a fact that a US type presidential system tends to be big by constitutional requirement. And  in a country where government is both an industry and a social welfare institution, the tendency for big expansive government is high.

    Beyond the symbolic actions, which have their values, is the need for substantive actions and a complete attitudinal change towards waste and profligacy in government.

    We have had enough debate on the  unwieldy and inefficient size and structure of government, our leaders have enough ideas  and justifications to prune down the size of government. The only ingredient left to make that happen is the political will.  I can imagine the government is caught between a public opinion pressure to cut costs and a constitutional imperative to assemble a huge choir.

    On attitude, most government officials have yet to come to terms with the reality of our economic downturn and the need to be more disciplined, prudent and productive .The signals from high officials of government are both depressing and insensitive. For these reasons, we are focusing today on those little acts of prudence that we do every day and, over time, will make a substantial difference.

    Political officeholders must have an attitude change in ostentatious living and craving for opulence and status within the society.   It is obvious to all that the pomp and festival of political office attracts a mob of political hangers on whose presence bloats government costs. Trimming that is a matter of personal choice and strength of character.

    In our clime, politics and wealth are almost synonymous; politicians compete and outcompete wealthy people in a show of wealth and power. The blaring of sirens and long motorcades of expensive and luxury SUVs conveying our political office holders in federal, state, and LGA is almost becoming a public nuisance and separating them from the people they should serve. Cutting down on this lifestyle is long overdue.

    This attitude flies in the face of our current reality, where many suffer and struggle for the basics. Frank Herbert, American Writer, argues, “Good governance never depends upon laws but the personal qualities of those who govern. Government machinery is always subordinate to the will of those who administer that machinery.”

    We expect attitudinal change among political officeholders on abuse of official property, including official vehicles assigned to them. Many use this as personal property and sometimes even allow family members and friends to damage these properties. We must also jettison the culture of assigning many security attachés to VIP and political office holders.

    We know the security situation in the country is dire but wasting the existing security personnel and apparatus on a few political officeholders when many Nigerians need these security officers to work to secure their lives and properties is deplorable. Just as political officeholders’ lives matter, so do the lives of ordinary Nigerians.

    It is disheartening that some of the political officeholders are still in a permanent political campaign mood, not knowing it is time to govern.

    They spend ten times the cost of a single project on project flag off or commissioning.  Corruption is  still pervasive, and mismanagement of public funds exacerbates the high cost of government. Funds allocated for public projects and services are diverted, budgets are padded, and fiscal prudence is thrown to the dogs.

    The level of corruption among public officials is still alarming and must be challenged and exposed, and perpetrators made to account to the law for their dastardly acts.

    Some structural changes and constitutional amendments  are needed to cut down on the cost of governance in Nigeria. Cutting down on our bloated bureaucracy is essential to save costs.

    This is the aim of implementing the Oronsaye report. The government should reduce the number of  political appointees and close inefficient public enterprises that incur losses that the government eventually covers. We cannot preach the message of fiscal prudence when the number of political appointees gets  bigger every year.

    Efforts have been made in Nigeria to address the high cost of governance, such as implementing cost-cutting measures and promoting transparency. However, achieving substantial changes requires a comprehensive and sustained approach, including structural reforms, anti-corruption efforts, and a focus on improving public sector efficiency.

    Addressing the issue of high governance costs is crucial for ensuring that resources are allocated efficiently to promote economic development and enhance the standard of living for the Nigerian people.

    More disheartening is the fact that the high cost of government has not translated to administrative efficiency,quality services or high policy outcomes. Nigeria’s government effectiveness index for 2022 is -1.04, one of the worst globally. The index of government effectiveness captures the perception of the quality of public services, the effectiveness of implementing government decisions, the innovation capacity of political leadership, public healthcare, and public schools, amongst others. The maximum score is +2.5, and the minimum score is -2.5.

    Our budget and expenditure on critical sectors such as education and healthcare , by percentage, has not improved over the years. The spending has also not delivered on indices. Our maternal mortality ratio is still at 814 per 100,000, while the mortality rate for infants and children under five years is 70 and 104 per 1,000 live births, respectively. This is one of the highest globally.

    I recently had a two-hour discussion with the Minister of Health, Prof Ali Pate, and the Minister of State for Health, Dr Tunji Alausa. Their clarity of vision, grand strategy and commitment have raised my hopes and expectations for the healthcare sector. Watch out for a different trajectory  in this sector in the immediate to near future.

    The education sector indicators are similar. Government expenditure on primary education for year 2022  is below 0.5%, the ratio of trained teachers in primary school is 62.18, and the pupil-trained teacher ratio is 49.1, all below the West African regional average. According to the USAID dashboard, the enrollment rate and government expenditure at secondary schools are also below the regional average.

    This abysmal data is coming out of the same country that borrows to fund the lifestyle of government officials. Nigeria and Nigerians are stranded between poverty, insecurity, dearth of infrastructure and profligacy of government officials. These statistics speak volumes and are better than any propaganda that means nothing to the average citizen.

    Addressing Nigeria’s high government cost requires a multi-faceted approach involving structural reforms, fiscal responsibility, attitudinal change and increased transparency. I will articulate a few solutions that we may have to consider in reducing the cost of government.

    Apart from the obvious answer of fighting corruption, wastage, profligacy and implementing measures to enhance transparency in public financial management, procurement, and project execution to curb corruption, the government should first undergo a more thorough public sector review than just adopting some part of a report authored over ten years ago and may not fit in with our current realities.

    The government should comprehensively review its structure, eliminating duplications and streamlining ministries, agencies, and parastatals to reduce bureaucracy. This is urgent.

    Second, implement a rational and transparent salary structure for public officials, aligning remuneration with economic realities and the country’s financial capacity and regularly review same  and ensure competitiveness.

    Third, introduce cost-cutting measures in government operations, such as reducing unnecessary travel expenses, minimising overhead costs, and optimising resource allocation.

    Fourth, embrace  e-government through technology to enhance efficiency in government processes, reducing paperwork and associated costs.

    Fifth, develop a sustainable debt management strategy to reduce reliance on borrowing.

    Sixth, implement and enforce fiscal responsibility laws to ensure that government spending aligns with budgetary allocations and regularly review and update budgetary priorities to reflect changing economic conditions and development needs.

    Finally, encourage citizen participation and oversight through platforms allowing the public to monitor government spending, hold officials accountable, and foster a culture of fiscal responsibility and transparency through public awareness campaigns.

    Implementing these solutions requires strong political will, commitment from government officials, and collaboration with various stakeholders. Mr President has started to address the elephant in the room of inefficient government structure, but should take a step further by empaneling full e-governance . He would also gain the trust of the people and mileage by leading by personal example on attitudinal change of government officials . The country just needs champions of fiscal discipline and probity .

  • Improving Productivity and Efficiency in SMEs

    Improving Productivity and Efficiency in SMEs

    Running a small and medium business is not always an easy ride especially in an unpredictable business environment. These businesses always seek ways to stay afloat and the only way to do this is to implement strategies that can increase productivity and efficiency.

    Most Small and medium Enterprises (SMEs) are one-man types of business with few employees on ground to run the affairs of the business. Usually, SMEs’ business infrastructures are limited and they have to take one step at a time to grow their business.

    A number of reports shows that at least eighty percent( 80%) of SMEs always quit the business within the first year or after five years.

    The early stage of running an SME is characterized with low customer base and little or zero profits. One would ask, should it always be the case? Does it mean SMEs don’t have what it takes to keep it running? Should quitting the business be the end goal? All these questions boil down to one answer which is; Lack of productivity and efficiency leading to negative results and a downturn in business operations.

    What is productivity?

    Productivity is the process of using active measures to checkmate the level of output through the amount of input. Efficiency is the rate of efforts taken into consideration for a positive change in the business.

    These two factors are the catalysts for most SMES growth.

    How can SMES Improve Productivity and Efficiency?

    1. Set Goals For Your Business

    There is no business without specific goals. You have to define your goals. Choose wisely the type of goals you want to set for your small business.

    2. Growth Mindset

    As a business owner, you should be ready to accept criticism. You should be able to identify your weaknesses and be able to pave a way to fix them. Growth mindset is the ability to develop the habit of learning new things for a positive outcome.

    When you receive complaints from customers regarding updates or delivery issues, design measures to provide better quality service to customers that patronize you as well as new ideas for your business operations.

    3. Use Schedule Apps For Meetings and Appointments

    There are so many scheduled apps on Google and Apple Playstores. You can use Calendly, Zoom, Email Schedules, Phone Calendars and Alarm clocks to set time and dates for business and staff meetings. Instead of writing down appointment or meeting dates in your diary or a notebook, utilizing a calendar is efficient in setting up a reminder for goals or events.

    4. Always Handle Urgent Task First Before Any Other Task For The Day

    The only way to achieve to-do-list task goals is through prioritisation, to always start with the urgent task for the day.

    Some helpful tips are

    i. Tag tasks based on their status for easy identification.

    ii. Early morning errands – Urgent and Important

    iii. Checking Emails – Important

    iv. Responding to Customers -Important but not urgent

    v. Reconciling Payments from customers – Urgent

    5. Always use automation software to reduce too much tasks in the office

    Automation system is an automatic digital system that provides prompts and aids an employee to solve complex tasks. Use automation response to FAQ, bill payments, email management and tracking of deliveries.

    An automatic response when clients pop up questions on WhatsApp or Direct Messaging.

    Examples are;

    “Dear Customer, thank you for messaging us today. How may we serve you?”

    You can also set prompts in resolving customers complaints by providing information that are relevant to the problem.

    Most financial institutions’ social media handles always have automated reply prompts.

    An online form such as Google forms can be created for customers to provide their contact details and state out the kind of service they need and their budget.

    6. Create Teams For Each Business Activity

    If your employees are up to 20, you can create different teams that will be in charge of different activities. For a logistic business, you can create a team in charge of taking orders, packaging team, HR team, management team and customer service team.

    There are so many other ways to improve your productivity and efficiency as a small and medium business and it is by keeping the focus on the relevant tasks that relate to your business.

    Emmanuel Otori has over 10 years of experience working with 100 start-ups and SMEs across Nigeria. He has worked on the Growth and Employment (GEM) Project of the World Bank, GiZ, Consulted for businesses at the Abuja Enterprise Agency, Novustack, Splitspot and NITDA. He is the Chief Executive Officer at Abuja Data School.

  • Unregulated Marketing of High-Sodium Foods: What the Government Must Do

    Unregulated Marketing of High-Sodium Foods: What the Government Must Do

    Food environments, including how certain foods are promoted, marketed, and distributed, play a critical role in influencing a population’s dietary choices, especially those of vulnerable groups such as children and adolescents.

    According to the World Health Organization (WHO), an unhealthy food environment is one where healthy food are not readily available, accessible, or affordable, while unhealthy foods, largely ultra-processed, are promoted through various channels and strategies, making them more preferred and desirable over fresh, healthy, and nutritious options.

    Empirical evidence shows that unhealthy marketing is powerful and highly persuasive, as it creates social norms around food, shapes lifestyles, and increases preference for diets that pose a grave threat to public health and workforce productivity.

    While traditional marketing has long been used to promote unhealthy foods, the increasing digitalization of food promotion has opened up new avenues for exploitation. Platforms such as social media, mobile applications, video games, emails, and search engines are now being utilized to influence food choices, purchasing habits, and consumption patterns within households and across targeted groups.

    Specifically, the promotion of manufactured food products such as noodles, seasonings, snacks, confectioneries, and non-alcoholic beverages adopts strategies such as premiums, cartoon characters, celebrity endorsers, branded toys, in-school marketing, television game shows, outdoor games and events, radio jingles, competitions, and social media ads on websites with huge traffic.

    These tactics focusing on hedonistic appeals rather than accurate providing accurate nutritional information, increase children’s demand for junk foods and influence family choices by leveraging the “pester power” phenomenon, where children beg their parents or caregivers to purchase the advertised unhealthy food.

    Unsurprisingly, the consequences of these unhealthy marketing gimmicks are severe. According to the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), millions of children worldwide are consuming more ultra-processed foods that are industrially formulated and often contain high levels of salt, sodium, sugar, and saturated fats, leading to devastating lifelong consequences such as early exposure to hypertension, heart disease, diabetes, and cancers, among other Non-Communicable Diseases (NCDs) that could result in premature death.

    To pushback against this trend, countries are responding by adopting evidence-based recommendations from the WHO and UNICEF to enact effective food regulations. For example, the government of Chile introduced food labelling and advertising laws as part of its strategy to combat high rates of NCDs in the country. These laws placed marketing restrictions on fatty, high-sodium, sugary, or calorie-dense foods, particularly targeting children.

    They also prohibited the advertisement of unwholesome foods on TV during child-friendly hours and on popular children’s websites. This initiative significantly reduced the exposure of preschoolers and adolescents to unhealthy food and beverage marketing, without observable impacts on market outcomes, aggregate employment, and wages within the affected industries.

    Similarly, the United Kingdom applied comparable restrictions on fast food advertising in broadcast media to improve their health indices and limit such marketing to children. Paid advertisements on social media sites including Facebook, Instagram, and X (formally Twitter) were also included in the ban.

    Drawing from these examples and successes, the Nigerian government and concerned policymakers can tackle the rising issue of NCDs in the country by adopting similar intervention and implementing mandatory regulations to curb the marketing of unhealthy foods, particularly high-sodium diets, to minors.

    This will include prohibiting the marketing of such foods within school environments, educational content, and child-centric spaces. Furthermore, it is imperative to continuously educate the public and enforce policies that promote comprehensive front-of-pack warning labels on packaging, allowing consumers to make informed dietary choices. Importantly, salt reduction is a cost-effective public health strategy that demands a multi-sectoral approach and coordinated strategies and actions to improve public health outcomes and national productivity.

    As such, all stakeholders must continue to put heads together to prioritize public health.

    Bukola, a food scientist, is the Programme Officer, Sodium Reduction at Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA).

  • IWD: Flowers to Women in Tobacco Control

    IWD: Flowers to Women in Tobacco Control

    International Women’s Day (IWD) is a global celebration that honours the progress and accomplishments of women around the world. It serves as a platform to highlight the invaluable contributions women make in all spheres of society.

    Throughout history, women have continually showcased their capabilities and prowess, proving time and again that they can excel in various domains. However, amidst these advancements, the tobacco industry poses a significant threat to the well-being of women, particularly targeting young women with addictive and harmful new tobacco products such as shisha and vapes.

    The introduction of new heated products like vapes have only intensified the tobacco industry’s focus on young people. The sleek designs, fruity flavours, and deceptive marketing campaigns of these products make them appealing to a younger demographic.

    The tobacco industry exploits the desire for social acceptance and rebellion that is often prevalent in adolescence, targeting vulnerable young women who may be more susceptible to peer influence.

    The tobacco industry employs aggressive marketing tactics that not only undermine the progress women have made but also put their health at risk. Despite these challenges, women have played a pivotal role in the fight against tobacco, actively engaging in tobacco control efforts.

    Their resilience and determination have propelled them to advocate for policies and initiatives that protect individuals, especially women, from the harmful effects of tobacco use.

    Furthermore, the marketing strategies employed by the industry often manipulate and exploit the aspirations and insecurities of young women, using tactics that appeal to femininity, independence, and empowerment.

    This calculated approach seeks to create a false sense of association between tobacco use and personal freedom or empowerment.

    However, there is still much work to be done in combating the tobacco epidemic and safeguarding women’s health. It is crucial to rally more women to join the campaign against tobacco use, urging them to stand up against the tobacco industry’s attempts to lure them into addiction.

    By actively participating in awareness campaigns and supporting legislation that curbs tobacco use, women can make a significant difference in the lives of individuals and their communities.

    International Women’s Day serves as a poignant reminder of the progress women have achieved and the challenges they continue to face. It is a day to celebrate their achievements, strength, and resilience while working together to create a healthier and more equitable future for all.

    Today, we give deserved flowers to all women working to ensure that our communities are healthy and tobacco-free, and reaffirm our commitment to empowering women and advancing their health and well-being by standing together in the fight against tobacco.

    Fatuase works with Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA), while Ashibel is of the Nigeria Tobacco Control Alliance (NTCA).

  • The Problem With N10m Tobacco Control Fund

    The Problem With N10m Tobacco Control Fund

    The national budget for 2024 saw Nigeria double its financial commitment to the Tobacco Control Fund (TCF) from N4.7 million of the previous year to N10 million, heeding long-standing stakeholder calls for increased funding.

    The money earmarked for tobacco control aligns with Section 8 of the Nigeria Tobacco Control Act (NTCA), 2015, which stipulates funding for the National Tobacco Control Committee (NTCC) and Tobacco Control Unit (TCU) to carry out their obligations. This fund, drawn from various government revenues, support the work of relevant government institutions in health promotion initiatives, tobacco control programs, and enforcement activities to ensure compliance with set laws and regulations.

    By outlining a dedicated fund for tobacco control in the NTCA, the federal government indicated that it appreciated the necessity and capacity of such measures to facilitate the security of public health.

    Nonetheless, the journey towards operationalizing the fund has been fraught with challenges and protracted, with the current allocation being very modest. To be clear, the budget increase to N10 million, though a step in the right direction, still falls short of the broad spectrum of tasks and necessary financial resources required for the tobacco control committee to discharge its responsibilities effectively.

    For instance, the committee is expected to meet at least four times annually, as stated in the NTCA. Yet, last year, the committee noted that convening even a single meeting alone costs a minimum of N4 million. The figure does not include expenditure for other essential activities such as the coordination of public health campaigns, population-wide cessation and anti-smoking programs, and collaborations with a variety of stakeholders among other initiatives.

    The NTCA, in another case, is expected to work with the Ministry of Agriculture and other relevant agencies on alternative cropping for tobacco farmers. Such a transition would require ongoing trainings, distribution of substitute seedlings, and potentially, the provision of even soft loans to aid farmers make the switch. Evidently, N10 million is nowhere adequate for the gamut of interventions and programming essential for robust tobacco control in the country.

    This paucity of funds also indirectly facilitates the tobacco industry’s strategy of utilizing Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) initiatives, to market its brand and cultivate harmful relationships with state authorities and strategic institutions in society.

    By forming partnerships with government bodies, youth-focused agencies, and tertiary institutions to undertake ‘‘socially responsible’’ initiatives such as organizing farm fairs and agribusiness trainings for farmers and young school graduates, tobacco corporations not only position themselves as benefactors but also subtly promote their brands and earn public endorsements for it. This scheming not only sidesteps Nigeria’s tobacco control laws but also raises conflict of interest concerns, all of which undermines efforts to regulate tobacco consumption.

    As tobacco corporations tirelessly seek to circumvent national regulations and laws, their substantial financial resources significantly aid them.

    Only last November, the Federal Competition and Consumer Protection Commission (FCCPC) fined British American Tobacco Nigeria Limited (BATN) and its affiliates an unprecedented $110 million for violating national tobacco control regulations, among other laws. The fine was one of the highest in Nigerian quasi-judicial history, with the FCCPC granting them grace period of a few years to liquidate the penalty. But just days after the announcement of the fine, BATN issued a statement saying it had paid up, reflecting the deep pockets of the organisation.

    Up against a public enemy as the tobacco industry with deep pockets, the case for an improved tobacco control funding to fortify public health is made even more urgent. As the leading preventable cause of deaths and diseases, tobacco kills half of its regular users. In fact, by the Federal Government’s own records, no fewer than 26,800 persons die in Nigeria each year from tobacco or tobacco-linked diseases. Yet, the ‘‘casualties are not only those who are dead”, to borrow the words of the late Nigerian poet and playwright, John Pepper Clark.

    According to the United States Centres for Disease Control and Prevention, for every person who dies because of smoking, at least 30 people live with a serious smoking-related illness, including cancer, heart disease, stroke, lung diseases, diabetes, and chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), which includes emphysema and chronic bronchitis. Thus, thousands of other tobacco consumers in Nigeria are racked with costly, debilitating non-communicable diseases.

    Tobacco control is not merely a health issue but also an economic and environmental concern. The costs associated with treating tobacco-related diseases, environmental cleanup, and loss of productivity due to illness and premature deaths run into billions of naira annually. A robust tobacco control strategy, backed by substantial financial resources, can mitigate these burdens, and safeguard the well-being of Nigerians.

    On this note, the federal government must recognize the urgency of increasing its allocation to the tobacco control fund in the next budget cycle commensurate with the scale of the problem. This would be a significant step towards empowering relevant agencies to wage powerful campaigns and interventions against tobacco consumption. This investment in public health will yield dividends in the form of reduced healthcare costs, a healthier population and workforce, and a cleaner environment for future generations.

    Robert Egbe is the Communication Officer at pan-African not-for-profit, Corporate Accountability and Public Participation Africa (CAPPA) www.cappaafrica.org. He can be reached via regbe@cappaafrica.org

     

  • The Parliamentary System Debate

    The Parliamentary System Debate

    The debate over which system of government is most appropriate for a multi-ethnic and geographically diverse Nigeria has suddenly resurfaced. This time, it is pushing the fundamental issues of good governance, bread and butter, security, and inclusiveness that Nigeria is grappling with to the back burner.

    At the centre of the debate is the agitation for a return to the parliamentary system of government as the structural panacea to Nigeria’s myriads of problems, although Nigeria has long consigned this system of government to history.

    Agitating the minds of critical observers of Nigerian politics is whether this renewed debate is political or systemic or is just a symptom of frustration with poor governance outcomes. Will a change from a presidential system of government to a parliamentary system put Nigeria on a trajectory of growth and development? Is there solid evidence that our many woes come from the practice of the presidential system of government, that a change to parliamentary will help us overcome?

    The first to fire the salvo was a group of 60 members of the National Assembly that proposed a bill to take the country back to the parliamentary system. Support came from diverse and far-flung quarters in rapid succession, including Afenifere, the pan-Yoruba political platform. We are not alone here.

    In late March this year, our neighbour, Togo, adopted a new constitution introduced by members of the ruling party, which transitions the West African nation from a presidential to a parliamentary system. Senegal also witnessed a significant generational shift in electing a new president. Developments in Togo and Senegal would increase the intensity of debate and agitations in Nigeria.

    In retrospect, we have tried both the parliamentary and presidential systems at different times. Between 1960 and 1966, referred to as the first republic, Nigeria, like most African countries that just got independence from their British colonial masters, adopted a parliamentary system of government. It had its challenges and strengths.

    At the breakdown of the first republic, the popular verdict was that the system was not the most appropriate for us or that the Nigerian political elite could not operate it. The military government of 1976-1978 led by General Olusegun Obasanjo, and the growing political elites considered the pros and cons of the parliamentary system, which was still fresh in Nigeria’s minds, and decided that the cons outweighed the pros. Just before the 1979 military-civilian transition, they chose the presidential system for us.

    The justifications for this choice were to improve issues of management of geographical diversity, representation of various groups, repudiating strong ethnic sentiments against national sentiment, and eliminating corruption.
    However, like the parliamentary system, the presidential system has merits and demerits.

    The most significant challenges of the presidential system as practised in Nigeria are fourfold. The first is the tendency of the executive arm to pocket the legislative arm, which has made nonsense of the principle of separation of power, and checks and balances. The US-type presidential system is predicated upon a system of checks and balances.

    This vital principle does not allow for the rascality of any arm of government that may jeopardise the system. Since the return of democracy in 1999, and it is particularly evident at the sub-national level, this principle has been rendered impotent. Second, the enormous powers exercised by the president and governors tend to be abused and often breed dictatorship.

    Third, the winner-takes-all-mentality, which leads to the abuse of power of patronage that fuels corruption and exclusion of the majority from mainstream government activities, saps the government’s access to quality leadership potentials within the country. Fourth, the high cost of governance and low accountability have created a government system that is corrupt and overbearing. Our common patrimony is bastardised by a few privileged to be part of the government.

    The attempt to revisit the parliamentary system is not unconnected to our current economic challenges, ethnic tensions or separatist agitations, and corruption that has defied solution and gross incompetence of a good number of our political leaders. As a participant-observer, I believe Nigeria’s current governance crisis is less a problem of the system of government and more of political culture, incompetence of operatives and political actors,lack of leadership capacity and moral depravity.

    Each system has its pros and cons. Any system can be designed,considering local peculiarities and made to work if run by competent persons who subscribe to a common vision and shared core values and are ready to respect the rule of law. Nigeria’s problems of disunity, lack of patriotism, stunted growth, corruption, and leadership incompetence are neither a product of the parliamentary nor presidential system. It is simply a lack of commitment by the elite to democracy, democratic tenets and the common good. Democracy is not just about representative election, which we practice, though with a massive caveat regarding its credibility. It is more about practising its principles , such as the rule of law, upholding fundamental freedoms of the people, accountability of government to the people, security of life and property, and responsible governance that gives dividends of democracy to the people.

    Whether Nigeria should transition to a parliamentary system of government is a complex question that involves weighing various factors, including the country’s political culture, multi ethnic setting , historical context, governance challenges, and aspirations for democratic development. Proponents of a parliamentary system argue that it can promote political stability by ensuring a closer alignment between the executive and legislative branches of government.

    In a parliamentary system, the government is typically formed by the majority party or coalition in the legislature, leading to smoother governance than the potential for gridlock in a presidential system. Also, they argue that parliamentary systems often feature a more transparent chain of accountability, as the executive is directly accountable to the legislature. This can enhance transparency and responsiveness to the electorate’s needs.

    They further argue that parliamentary systems are more flexible in responding to crises or changing circumstances. If the government loses the legislature’s confidence, it can be replaced swiftly through a vote of no confidence or early elections, allowing quicker course corrections. Lastly, a parliamentary system could better accommodate the representation of various groups by fostering coalition-building and power-sharing among different factions.

    Achieving this transition to a parliamentary system requires significant constitutional reforms, which can be lengthy and contentious. It would also necessitate changes to the electoral system and the functioning of government institutions. Nigeria has a long history of presidential governance since gaining independence in 1960.

    Transitioning to a parliamentary system would represent a departure from this tradition and may encounter resistance from those vested in the current system. Implementing a parliamentary system would require building institutional capacity, training legislators and administrators, and fostering a political culture conducive to coalition-building and consensus-driven decision-making.
    A marked difference between the two systems is the cost of governance versus development, which weighs heavily in favour of the parliamentary system. This may be an attraction for proponents of a parliamentary system. However, it would help if you juxtaposed this with which system is more appropriate for governing a diverse multi-ethnic federation and what system has worked best for the most successful federations in the world.

    Opponents of a transition to a Westminster-style parliamentary system have also argued that switching could aggravate the challenges of governability because of our political parties’ high level of indiscipline, poor political culture, ethnic cleavages, and the multi-ethnic nature of our society.

    Ultimately, the decision to transition to a parliamentary system should be guided by careful consideration of the preceding factors and a broad-based consultation and consensus-building among stakeholders. It is essential to assess whether such a change would address Nigeria’s governance’s underlying challenges and contribute to its long-term political stability and development.

    The inference to draw is that the current agitation is a demand for a new political culture, protest against the high cost of governance, incompetence of the political leadership, bloated bureaucracy, and poor governance outcomes. There is no definite study to show a relationship between a system of government, thriving democracy, and a high standard of living. Nigeria’s problem is not necessarily the system of government we practice but the leadership deficit among the political operatives and actors.

    No matter which system is in place, we will have the same results as we are seeing now if the same morally jaundiced and intellectually bankrupt political actors hijack power and rule in their narrow, selfish interests. That is our bane. That is what we must change to survive.

  • Air Peace, Capitalism, and National Interest

    Air Peace, Capitalism, and National Interest

    Nigerian corporate influence and that of the West continue to collide. The rationale is straightforward: whereas corporate activity in Europe and America is part of their larger local and foreign policy engagement, privately owned enterprises in Nigeria  or commercial interests are not part of Nigeria’s foreign policy ecosystem, neither is there a strong culture of government support for privately owned enterprises’ expansion locally and internationally.

    Nigerian firms’ competitiveness on a global scale can only be enhanced by the support of the Nigerian government.  It is evident that relationship between Nigerian businesses  and foreign policy is important to the national interest. When backing domestic Nigerian companies to compete on a worldwide scale, the government should see it as a lever to drive foreign policy, national strategic interest, promote trade, enhance national security considerations, minimize distortion in the domestic market as the foreign airlines were doing, boost GDP, create employment opportunities, and optimize corporate returns for the firms.

    For example, the South Korean mega conglomerates within the chaebols corporate structure, such as Samsung, Daewoo, SK Group, LG, and others, have become globally recognizable brands thanks to the backing of the South Korean government.

    For Chaebol to succeed, strong collaboration with the government has been essential.

    Also, in telecommunications, Huawei would only be such a well-known brand worldwide with the backing of the Chinese government. The opposite is the case with Nigeria.

    Admitted nations do not always interfere directly in their companies’ business and commercial dealings, and there are always exceptions. I can cite two areas of exception: military sales by companies because of their strategic implications and are, therefore, part of foreign and diplomatic policy and processes.

    The second is where the products or routes of a company have implications for foreign policy. Air Peace falls into the second category in the Lagos – London route.

    Two events demonstrate an emerging trend that, if not checked, will disincentivize Nigerian firms from competing in the global marketplace. There are other notable examples, but I am using these two examples because they are very recent and ongoing, and they are typological representations of the need for Nigerian government backing and support for local companies that are playing  in a very competitive international  market dominated by big foreign companies whose governments are using all forms of foreign policies and diplomacy to support and sustain.

    The first is Airpeace. It is the only Nigerian-owned aviation company playing globally and checkmating the dominance of foreign airlines. The most recent advance is the commencement of flights on the Lagos – London route.

    In Nigeria, foreign airlines are well-established and accustomed to a lack of rivalry, yet a free-market economy depends on the existence of competition. Nigeria has significantly larger airline profits per passenger than other comparable African nations.

    Insufficient competition has resulted in high ticket costs and poor service quality. It is precisely this jinx that Airpeace is attempting to break. On March 30, 2024, Air Peace reciprocated the lopsided Bilateral Air Service Agreement (BASA) between Nigeria and the United Kingdom when the local airline began direct flight operations from Lagos to Gatwick Airport in London.

    This elicited several reactions from foreign airlines backed by their various sovereigns because of their strategic interest. A critical response is the commencement of a price war. Before the Airpeace entry, the price of international flight tickets on the Lagos-London route had soared to as much as N3.5 million for the  economy ticket. However, after Airpeace introduced a return economy class ticket priced at N1.2 million, foreign carriers like British Airways, Virgin Atlantic, and Qatar Airways reduced their fares significantly to remain competitive.

    In a price war, there is little the government can do. In an open-market competitive situation such as this, our government must not act in a manner that suggests it is antagonistic to foreign players and competitors.

    There must be an appearance of a level playing field. However, the government owes Airpeace protection against foreign competitors backed by their home governments. This is in the overall interest of the Nigerian consumer of goods and services. Competition history in the airspace works where the Consumer Protection Authority in the host country is active.

    This is almost absent in Nigeria and it is a reason why foreign airlines have been arbitrary in pricing their tickets. Nigerian consumers are often at the mercy of these foreign firms who lack any vista of patriotism and are more inclined to protect the national interest of their governments and countries.

    It would not be too much to expect Nigerian companies playing globally to benefit from the protection of the Nigerian government to limit influence peddling by foreign-owned companies. The success of Airpeace should enable a more competitive and sustainable market, allowing domestic players to grow their network and propel Nigeria to the forefront of international aviation.

    The second is Proforce, a Nigerian-owned military hardware manufacturing firm active in Rwanda, Chad, Mali, Ghana, Niger, Burkina Faso, and South Sudan. Despite the growing capacity of Proforce in military hardware manufacturing, Nigeria entered two lopsided arrangements with two UAE firms to supply military equipment worth billions of dollars , respectively.

    Both deals are backed by the UAE government but executed by UAE firms. These deals on a more extensive web are not unconnected with UAE’s national strategic interest.

    In pursuit of its strategic national interest, India is pushing Indian firms to supply military equipment to Nigeria. The Nigerian defence equipment market has seen weaker indigenous competitors driven out due to the combination of local manufacturers’ lack of competitive capacity and government patronage of Asian, European, and US firms in the defence equipment manufacturing sector.

    This is a misnomer and needs to be corrected. Not only should our government be the primary customer of this firm if its products meet international standards, but it should also support and protect it from the harsh competitive realities of a challenging but strategic market directly linked to our national military procurement ecosystem. The ability to produce military hardware locally is significant to our defence strategy.

    This firm and similar companies playing in this strategic defence area must be considered strategic and have a considerable place in Nigeria’s foreign policy calculations. Protecting Nigeria’s interests is the primary reason for our engagement in global diplomacy.

    The government must deliberately balance national interest with capacity and competence in military hardware purchases. It will not be too much to ask these foreign firms to partner with local companies so we can embed the technology transfer advantages.

    Increasingly, other companies, especially in the banking and fintech sectors, are making giant strides in global competitiveness. Our government must create an environment that enables our local companies to compete globally and ply their trades in various countries.

    It should be part of the government’s overall economic, strategic growth agenda to identify areas or sectors in which Nigerian companies have a competitive advantage, especially in the sub-region and across Africa and support the companies in these sectors to advance and grow to dominate in  the African region with a view to competing globally.

    Government support in the form of incentives such as competitive grants ,tax credit for consumers ,low-interest capital, patronage, G2G business, operational support, and diplomatic lobbying, amongst others, will alter the competitive landscape. Governments  and key government agencies in the west retain the services of lobbying firms in pursuit of its strategic interest.

    Nigerian firms’ competitiveness on a global scale can only be enhanced by the support of the Nigerian government. Foreign policy interests should be a key driver of Nigerian trade agreements. How does the Nigerian government support private companies to grow and compete globally? Is it intentionally mapping out growth areas and creating opportunities for Nigerian firms to maximize their potential? Is the government at the domestic level removing bottlenecks and impediments to private company growth, allowing a level playing field for these companies to compete with international companies?

    Why is the government patronising foreign firms against local firms if their products are of similar value? What was the rationale for flight tickets from Lagos to London costing N3.5M for the economy class just a few weeks ago only to come down to N1.3M with the entrance of Airpeace to the market? Why are Nigerian consumers left to the hands of international  companies in some sectors without the government actively supporting the growth of local firms to compete in those sectors?

    These questions merit honest answers. Nigerian national interest must be the driving factor for our foreign policies, which must cover the private sector, just as is the case with most developed countries.

    The new global capitalism is not a product of accident or chance; the government has choreographed and shaped it by using foreign policies to support and protect local firms competing globally. Nigeria must learn to do the same to build a strong economy with more jobs.

  • The Naira Abuse Palaver

    The Naira Abuse Palaver

    There is no disputation that Naira abuse or more specifically the act of spraying money at social events has become an acceptable  norm or cultural practice in Nigeria. Nigerians have a cultural affinity for lavish social gatherings. Many people regard these occasions as a means of displaying social status  and wealth.

    Spraying Naira notes, and other currency notes, at events progressively appear to be the  ultimate way to flaunt your social standing. Even burials that are supposed to be sober moments have been turned into considerable fanfare. This has created a new industry of mint note trading and events management. All of these constitute the social infrastructure of Naira abuse. A new dimension of the social infrastructure of Naira abuse is the arrival to the scene of the nouveau rich. Society has labelled them with all sorts of nomenclature: Yahoo Boys, Yahoo Plus, and 419.

    Nigeria has since recognized the dangers of Naira abuse but  that is not the focus of this piece. The government has made rules and laws to check it and provided enlightenment campaigns to educate people. The Central Bank of Nigeria( CBN) gave Naira abuse as one of the reasons why it is pushing for digital-based financial transactions. Naira abuse, like its ancestor-mother social epidemic of corruption, has remained stubborn and refused to go away.

    There is ambiguity about what constitutes Naira abuse. The Central Bank of Nigeria Act of 2007 in Section 21 of the CBN Act 2007 clearly defines Naira abuse and prescribes various punishments to deter citizens from abusing the Naira. They include – spraying banknotes at events; writing on banknotes; stapling banknotes; tearing banknotes; dancing or stamping on Naira; defacing the bank notes with substances or ink, oil; selling currency banknotes; mutilation of the Naira note; money bouquets. However, law enforcement has been lax. It is commonly believed that the laws against Naira abuse are either symbolic or desuetude because no one is held accountable, everyone gets away with it, and things have normalised.

    The social phenomena of Naira abuse, especially the spraying of money, have become an epidemic in Nigeria. Lately , it is of significant concern. We have exported this to many parts of the world, and social media is replete with evidence of this in weddings and other social events attended by Nigerians in different parts of the world.

    Malcolm Gladwell’s book, “The Tipping Point: How Little Things Can Make a Big Difference” explores the idea that social phenomena, like trends and epidemics, often reach a tipping point where they suddenly become widespread. He identifies three key factors that contribute to this tipping point: the Law of the Few (the idea that a small number of people have a disproportionate influence), the Stickiness Factor (how messages or ideas stick in the minds of people), and the Power of Context (how the environment influences behaviour).

    Through engaging anecdotes and research, Gladwell illustrates how understanding these factors can help individuals and organizations create or manipulate trends and epidemics. The book emphasizes the importance of paying attention to small details and understanding the social dynamics behind spreading ideas and behaviours.

    The fundamental concepts of the book about Naira Abuse are twofold. First, the cultural context or external environment provides the soil for bad or good behaviour to grow and spread. Second, key people with remarkable personalities can cause or stop social epidemics because of their social profile or social network.

    There is a link between the recommendation of Malcolm Gladwell and the arrest and prosecution of  Idris Okuneye better known as Bobrisky, a cross-dresser and social influencer, for Naira abuse, and the arrest and ongoing prosecution of Cubana Chief priest Pascal Okechukwu in connection with Naira abuse. Why selectively arrest the duo when everybody is involved in some form of Naira abuse either by trampling, spraying ,mutilation  or rumpling ? Truth is that it is nearly impossible for any law enforcement organisation to find and apprehend every perpetrator. Resources  exist in limited supply . It is simple wisdom to begin with people who have disproportionate influence. This is perhaps what EFCC has done.  First common ground is that both of them enjoy considerable social media  influence whether for positive or negative reasons depending on your own value system. These two cases, though similar, are following different paths. Bobrisky, in court, pleaded guilty and has since been handed six months imprisonment. Cubana Chief Priest did not plead guilty, so his case will go to full trial, putting the law to the test. This court case will assist us in providing answers to some critical questions: what are the societal ramifications of Naira spraying, and how can Naira misuse be proven? Is there need to amend the existing law and make it more relevant to the challenge? Will this fresh wave of enforcement stop the epidemic of Naira abuse ? Regardless of how the legal proceedings turn out, they have highlighted how important it is to take the triplet societal plague of poor social behaviour, Naira abuse, and their ancestor-mother corruption very seriously.

    I have identified six pillars to control or stop Naira abuse: Fight corruption because it is an enabler for abuse of the Naira. The incestuous relationship  between corruption, illicit financial transactions and Naira abuse is well established . Second,the government should deepen knowledge and change people’s orientation by embarking on mass enlightenment, people must understand clearly what constitutes Naira abuse and what the punishment is for such offence . Third, address cultural issues relating to Naira abuse through community engagement. People gifting money to celebrants at occasions is no crime but the manner of gifting is the issue. Fourth, government should renew the push for digital transactions. Fifth, government must strengthen the structures of law enforcement. It is not just police and EFCC matter . The judiciary must upend its knowledge on the subject matter . Sixth, government must be impartial and objectively enforce the law to change cultural norms and public behaviour that defaces the Naira. This may entail revisiting and improving the law.

    CBN , Police and the EFCC should study different models of changing public behaviour in the past and draw up a model and strategy to deal with the issue of Naira abuse, especially since it has become embedded in some cultures. Good examples abound abroad and in Nigeria. The British government employed various strategies to change public behaviour regarding spitting and other personal vices. Spitting in public places was prohibited by local bylaws or municipal regulations but it is social persuasion that gave the result . These laws serve as deterrents and can result in fines or other penalties for offenders. They launched public awareness campaigns, collaborated with community stakeholders, and monitored and enforced the law. However, most of all, they leveraged social norms and peer pressure to influence behaviour and encourage individuals to conform to accepted standards of behaviour by highlighting the societal consensus against spitting and certain destructive behaviours and showcasing positive role models who embody desirable conduct. Today, the practice of spitting publicly, urinating on the road corners, and other public nuisances are controlled to the barest minimum.

    In Nigeria, good examples of efforts to change public behaviour can be seen around us. Most were successful to a greater degree. The government should revisit some of these campaigns and learn from them.

    A model that seems to be working in Akwa Ibom State is the State Ethical and Attitudinal Reorientation initiative  . Before 1999, the Akwa Ibom people experienced a severe social epidemic, “The Pervasive and prevalent House help Syndrome,” which gained widespread notoriety and led to the dubbed moniker “Ekaette” for nearly every female domestic helper. The administration of Obong Attah took up the task of reorienting the Akwa Ibom people’s mindset. He established the Ethical and Attitudinal Reorientation Commission (EARCOM) in Akwa Ibom and gave them the responsibility of raising public awareness about the importance of “minoring” vices and “majoring” in moral principles.

    The struggle has persisted throughout the regimes, and Pastor Umo Eno’s present administration appears to be taking it to newer, more profound heights by hiring assistants for each ward and unit and charging them to carry out the Commission’s work of value reorientation in remote areas. As bait, he is using the incentivization  and social support model, drawing on the country’s current food and hunger crisis to reach out with the message of value reorientation. Today, a negligible number of Akwa Ibom daughters are house helps , and the majority are highflyers in the professions and business.

    The success story of Akwa Ibom is a model that the federal government can replicate. Changing public behaviour requires a multifaceted approach that combines legislation, education, community engagement, social support  and enforcement efforts. By addressing the underlying factors contributing to undesirable behaviours and promoting positive alternatives, governments can effectively shape public attitudes and foster a more socially responsible society.